Aloysius Rabata
Acta Sanctorum, May 11
Source text: Public Domain. English translation/apparatus/encoding: CC BY-NC 4.0, Wroot Press.
https://actasanctorum.org/may/day-11/aloysius-rabata.html
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ON BLESSED ALOYSIUS RABATA
OF THE ORDER OF S. MARY OF MOUNT CARMEL
OF RANDAZZO IN SICILY.

ABOUT THE YEAR MCCCCXC.

A PREVIOUS APOLOGETIC COMMENTARY

To the complaints of certain Reverend Fathers Carmelites about our March and April.

Aloysius Rabata, a Carmelite of Randazzo in Sicily (B.)

BY THE AUTHOR D. P.

Another here argument thou hast, Reader, of a most religious
friendship, between me and the Reverend Father Daniel
of the Virgin Mary by reciprocal services
cultivated, as long as it was allowed by the sower of discord.
Scarcely had he seen and approved the commentary on the miracles
and cult of S. Angelus Martyr, [From the Processes, formed in the year 1533 and 73] from the Leocatensian Processes
by me composed; than for other of this kind monuments
to be sought and to us to be communicated he began to labor,
those especially, which of S. Mary Magdalene de Pazzis,
recently canonized, the supreme honor had promoted at
the Apostolic See. These indeed while by a long endeavor are described
at Rome, it pleased to communicate what was at hand,
and more quickly for use ought to be, namely an authentic copy
of those Processes, which at Randazzo in Sicily were made in the year
MDXXXIII and LXXIII, to inform about the life, fame,
good manners, signs as in the time of life as
after death of the once Venerable Brother (as in
the first) or (as in the second Process he is called) Blessed Aloysius
Rabata … of the Order of S. Mary of Mount Carmel;
of whom in the church of S. Michael under the high altar
laid the body, by a frequent of the inhabitants and neighbors concourse
is honored, a small outside the town space; where already
from the year MCCCLXXX to be founded began a convent, of the same
with the church name, writes Lezana in the Annals.

[2] [Of Randazzo, it is understood, that Aloysius] There is Randatium, commonly Randazzo, in the valley of Nemorum
or Demona, a town new but huge, noble,
rich and with walls distinguished girt, says
Brietius our man in the Geographical Parallels part 2 page 993,
Mount Etna from the South regarding, at an interval about
of miles X; from Catania indeed twice less than from Messina
distant, to this however subject in spiritual things; with a simple
moreover of a Land title content, when the first Process
was composed; with a more august moreover of a City appellation glorying,
before that there was composed the second. Either Process
he had, and from it B. Aloysius' life in the Italian tongue
wove, and into his Carmelite Garden inserted Ægidius Leoindelicatus
of Sciacca part 3 chapter 10: but, what thou mayst marvel at,
so little he knew the characters of times in them noted to observe,
that him (of whom as if familiarly to himself known
he speaks in the year MDXXXIII the fourth Witness, saying himself to be doing
of his age the year LXIII) he writes to have died in the year of Christ MCCCC
XLIII, [nor in the year 1443,] years certainly XXVII sooner than the Witness was born
aforesaid. A similar error is detected from the age of others,
of the blessed man contemporary Witnesses, of whom the first
and elder of years was ninety, and so in that very first year born, in which dead Aloysius Ægidius asserts. Into
the same with Ægidius error, while the preceding rashly
he follows, Rocchus Pirrus strikes, of the Blessed of Trapani
treating in part 2 of the Sacred Sicily page 554.

[3] [nor in 1503 to have died:] Saw this and to beware wished Biscarretus, in the Shoots
of the Vine of Carmel, and with him Munozius, in the Bulwark
of Elias in Lezana in the Annals: who either praises
and follows at the year MDIII; the assigned by Ægidius
year, of nativity rather than of death, to be said
having esteemed. But also these deflect from the same of chronology to be established
rule, which by others not observed they complain;
from the characters, I say, of times expressed in
the first Process: which if to consider severally they had wished, they would have read
in testimony IX a miracle done from years
XXXVI, that is in the year MCCCCXCVII, before the deceased's relics, [but for some time before 1497.]
already under the altar placed, and so years some after Aloysius'
death. So namely authors (while another, from ignorance
or negligence erring, they prefer to believe, than by themselves of things to be written
to scrutinize the foundations) are led away into
precipices; or one perhaps observed avoiding, they incur
into another; to be pardoned to human wits the weakness,
unless some of these sometime so blind for their writers
are carried away by zeal, that some indeed at those better teaching
or to teach prepared are indignant, as of their glory
detractors, from their depression to grow hoping;
others, as by that example more cautious, the ancient
which they have monuments to moths and bookworms prefer to gnaw
to leave; than from them, by us in our manner weighed,
something perhaps to learn, which to prejudged already with
themselves opinions is contrary.

[4] [Because not to all equally pleasing it is their errors to be unlearned,] Let see both how themselves they excuse to God, who
the first is truth; and to the Saints, to their sanctity's prototype
in truth to be venerated. I gratulate to our least Society,
in which a far diverse spirit to flourish both at other times
appeared, and lately when a detected in the Acts of S. Francis
Xavier hitherto published chronological error,
which he had detected, our Superiors prolixly favoring,
he published, those men most grave and most modest so
by the equity of mind and of truth the love prepared, that equally
about to acquiesce they would have seemed, if an External anyone
them of that inveterate had admonished error. We certainly in this
which we pursue work, truth from a well of whatever kind
emerging, although to some prior our assertion contrary,
most eagerly embrace; and it either we reserve
for posterity our lucubrations about to recognize; or by some opportunity
offered we bring forth of our own accord, not more to teach prepared
than to learn; nor are we ashamed in questions of fact, of which
the decision from the alleged and proved is deduced, to change
our sentence, if ever it happen more certain than the former to be offered
knowledge.

[6] Not however to truth of whatever kind, as soon as itself it opens
to us, [our sense about the origin of the Carmelite Order] into light to be brought with so indiscreet a fervor
we intend, that it we should not judge sometimes to be concealed
for a time, in respect of charity, about to be imperiled among the weak
brethren and minds hardened to defending prejudices, by the specious
of tradition name deceiving. For (that other things I be silent of) of
the First and Third of the Carmelites Priors, the Saints Bertholdus
and Cyrillus, about to treat in March my master Henschenius,
although that place to demand seemed, that of the pretended of the Order
procession from Elias, and the succession in Carmel even to
Bertholdus, his he should say sentence; and of that question,
and of that which under the said Priors began the Order to hold state,
many he would have to say: because however they could not bear
now, whom to be disturbed he knew, the friends; from their very own
arbitration so he ordered a very brief about those Saints treatment,
that the omitted those whose confutation ungrateful was about to be future,
more certain only some he might bring forth, with this sole end, that
might be taught the reader, in what time both flourished in Carmel,
and by what right they could in our work a place have with other
Saints. Pleased for some time the moderation that both the aforesaid praised
Father Daniel, [openly to expound we were unwilling:] who both to be printed and printed twice
or thrice had read and approved, and other of moderation of zeal
Fathers; and with the same foot we proceeded to April, untouched
about to leave the controversy, neither necessary to us,
nor to them about to please. When suddenly came forth an extemporaneous from a veteran
Theologian a historian, and of his men most he drew into
sides, that they should judge by a public writing us to be provoked, and
to be compelled to render of the former silence the reason; or,
as he called it, of brevity and obscurity affected,
which with his Order's incredible prejudice joined
to be he esteemed. What did I not do? Good God! whither me
did I not lower? by persuading, by praying, by words and writings with
Father Daniel, that from that counsel he should lead away the man, nothing
moderately about to do, and persuaded after so long
an exercitation among the schools' chairs, to no disputation
himself unequal to be, in whatever matter; when however
to treat he has not learned by special care, no more to anything
in this kind wisely to be defined fit to be seems,
than to instructing disciples in the poetic art.

[6] [but unwilling compelled us the Author of the Armamentarium] I admonished therefore and prayed Father Daniel, he should persuade him
that from us by name to be provoked he should desist: but to a deaf one a tale
was sung. For also this man, whom I hoped a mediator,
had begun to be adverse openly, and the former about the writings in March
to retract judgments, I know not by what reason himself deceived alleging.
There came forth therefore of a just magnitude a book, against the Rivals,
or (as afterward it pleased by a milder word to call them)
Friends dissenting, most from our Society taken,
as if these almost alone, or certainly chiefly, to the Carmelites'
pretended antiquity opposed itself. Among those indeed we
also drawn to judgment are, on account of five arguments,
doubtful at least and obscure, which to himself by us opposed
in March from there said to have elicited seemed the Author;
not with less than our injury, who were said by so futile things
to rest; than of his Brethren by a pernicious deception,
to whom of adversaries so lightly armed a most easy was promised
victory. [by a public provocation;] This author through numbers sixty
two nothing else does, than that us in our office to have failed
he may show: For, he says in no. 818, while something regarding
the matter, which is touched, notorious is a controversy;
he who the matter touches and of the controversy the resolution
omits, does not illustrate; but openly, against
all expectation, as under a burden succumbing,
from a controversy undecided, in the appendant things obscurity
and confusion, to the illustration by himself pretended
contrary, leaves. For why should we not leave it,
though equal to the burden? Why at other times content of the Carmelite
history the parts to illustrate, in it should we not spare labor, where
light to bring in was hatred to incur? Not therefore weakness
that was, but a discreet charity, from weak eyes light
withdrawing about to hurt.

[7] But nothing such the Armamentarium's Author to think about those
wished, of whom in the Prologue of the third Paragraph he had praised the benefits,
as eternal of the whole Order gratitude worthy; [nor entreated himself allowed to be] with
acknowledgment of debt toward our Society, never
to equality to be paid. Meanwhile, graciously
he supposed in the same Prologue, that of all of writings and
books treasure most abundant, perhaps stronger and
convincing we would have authorities: which however,
he says, while they do not produce, neither we Carmelites, with
notable of the whole Order and our antiquity prejudice,
ought to suppose. Hitherto that from them not
had exacted Father Henschenius, nor I was about to exact: they would have abounded
in their own sense, and of their foundations the presumed
solidity relying, with full mouth would have said, what the Triumphator
of Henschenius and Papebroch the Jesuits, the most recent
of the Order enemies (so indeed publicly and privately
by their disciples he is called) in the first Part's Preface
wrote; would have said, I say, with us not gainsaying,
that the Carmelite history with so many and so great fortified
to be with shields, that it itself ought to subsist, or none.
If sometime with Father Daniel, as a friend unanimous,
privately I confessed, all those foundations, however much
to them seem immovable, to me equally as to several
learned men to be suspect; that I did either by word or through a letter,
and so familiarly, that nothing thence fearing of inconvenience,
not even retained I of it with me a copy, with which afterward
to my purgation I might use if there were need. That moreover letter
either ought not to public litigation's contestation to be brought,
or to be brought entire: and then it would have been clear to all readers,
even Carmelites, how sincerely and candidly in this cause
I have proceeded; and how from the soul I had wished to decline a contest,
to things, as then they were, mine and to my studies exceedingly inconvenient.

[8] [that he should desist from his undertakings.] Proceeded he nevertheless to provoke: and in no. 804
some to us, from the many on which he rests, authority
adducing, either that, he says, they ought to admit (which
indeed of that he says, also of the rest to be understood he wished) or a stronger
to oppose: or, if that against the whole Order's
undoubted acceptance they have suspect,
of the suspicion an efficacious render reason; lest their
naked stand for reason will: which if it should suffice,
it would be done with the Lives and Acts of the Saints, on which laboriously
and most laudably they incumb. By such provocations
through pages thirty two widely deduced, constrained,
and as by the torture's rack to the inmost of the heart secrets to be laid open
driven, what should we do? They had obtained indeed
from of all the aforesaid ignorant the most Reverend Father Our
John Paul Oliva commendatory to us letters, by which
we should be admonished, lest the founder Elias we should wish snatched
from the Carmelites, this themselves to fear signifying: their
indeed sentence, if to confirm we could not (which
chiefly he had wished) not however to be impugned,
namely on account of the good of peace among the Orders to be kept. [Wherefore, having received of answering the faculty,] But
when that Judge most just, the book seen, deceived himself, and us
not aggressors but defenders to be understood, the answer,
with so great importunity and violence extorted, to render
permitted; the more even willingly, that I should promise, more than
half of those, which prepared I had, the part to be cut away
(which also I did) and nothing this time to be defined by
me about Elias, whether he was of a true name a monk or religious,
by the essential three vows of religious bound, this
indeed could be deferred to July: but only the reasons to be rendered
of our silence, about the Order's, by the same as it is pretended, instituted,
succession even to Bertholdus, which if we should receive,
almost all of the whole East monks and a great part
of the Western we would be bound to that Order expressly to ascribe in
our Work. To do moreover that we intended, not that
origin and succession denying, but only demonstrating,
by how great right suspect to us are the authorities, by which it
hitherto proved was; with a mind namely so disposed, that
if more certain than these and better they should produce, continually into their
sentence with hands and feet we would go.

[9] Meanwhile by the occasion of Albert the Legislator, whom the Order
venerates the VIII of April, we thought we could treat of the Order,
such as by a best and least suspectable MS. codex (which, [through the occasion of illustrating the Acts of B. Albert the Patriarch.]

on account of the drawn out of it S. Peter Thomas' Life, never
without a kiss to touch was wont Father Daniel) is said in the XII century
to have begun; and indeed according to a Greek Author, with Bertholdus
contemporary, from a revelation of the Prophet; so that at least
by this title could him the Carmelites their call Founder;
just as the Order of the Servants of S. Mary, on account of a similar revelation,
her calls Foundress its own. That Author,
and of those things which he writes for the part an eyewitness, John
is Phocas, among the Symmicta Allatiana published: who
having visited in the year MCLXXV the holy places, the same as he had found
in a peculiar little book described; in which finally coming to
Carmel and to the Prophet Elias' cave; when he had said, [the Order's origin from an eyewitness I elicited,]
that by time, which all things to old age impels, and
by the nations' incursions various, utterly abolished a monastery
great, which in that place anciently to have been
showed of the structures the vestiges still remaining:
Before some, he says, years a certain Monk, of dignity
from a revelation of the Prophet on the mountain landing,
those places… with a wall very small he girt, and a tower built,
and a temple not large erected, and Brethren
about ten gathered, even now that holy
enclosure cultivates. Since therefore from S. Jerome's and the rest's,
whosoever after him the sacred places to have described are known, by the constant
silence, I trusted me to be about to persuade the not at all pertinacious,
that the place, by the Elian Anchoresis once ennobled, at least
through seven centuries was not among those numbered, which
for piety's sake were frequented by faithful pilgrims; and,
if any before there had been a monastery, deserted to have lain and
desolate even to Bertholdus (who although not was named
by John, certainly however by him was designated) more advisedly
far about to do to me I seemed, if the Order's, as far as to Europe it is
known, history from Bertholdus to be begun I should persuade. Then
from more certainly now known of the same Bertholdus the fatherland, age,
and number of the first companions, for ascertained to have me I believed,
that the contrary to them of the more recent far writers relations,
similar to be to a portentous (as Ughellus in the Vercelli
Bishops speaks) narration, which of Albert (equally
as of other ancient some of his Order Saints) make
the writers Carmelites, Saracenus namely and others: although
the former professes himself of the Saints the original, from genuine
fountains, with a robust and constant faith, with his own to recast
style, the apocryphal altogether to be banished bidden.

[10] [such as the Continuator of G. of Tyre had described,] These moreover once established, and thence by a necessary
consequence deduced, how light of moment was
the pretended tradition about the Order's at that time amplitude through
all Palestine; of which amplitude neither the Rule,
to it by Albert given, any displayed indication, nor the first
by Honorius III for the same dispatched Apostolic bull; since
many to teach I could besides about the manner and origin of the Breviary
then first assumed, from the use of the church of the holy sepulchre,
and the form of the Carpita or Barrata cappa, which to be of its
Religion a sign defined the Chapter of the Order general,
six years before than that was changed, at London in England
celebrated; a great to those most obscure beginnings I believed
me about to bring light, by ordering of the first Priors the chronology,
errors very many correcting, banishing supposititious
certain authors, and so finally to the more known to them,
more expedited to us, of the Carmelite history times passing over.
Afterward indeed astonished I found, me, what I knew not,
in all those to have followed William of Tyre's Continuation
notable, from years one hundred and thirty about by types
given, by the care and diligence of Philibert Poyssenotus, to the Shrine
of D. Morandus to the sacred Provost, to Philip moreover the Pious of Basel
Bishop by its author John Herold of Hochstetten
about the year MDXL dedicated: of which these are the formal
words in book 5 chapter 3, Is Carmel a mountain in Syria,
by the abode as much of other Prophets as of Elias and
Elisha noble. This place under Almeric of Jerusalem
Patriarch had occupied Anchorites; and
when scattered around the mountain they passed their time, at length
they came together to the fountain which of Elias is called, to one who honest things
prescribed humbly obeying, without however a sure institute,
or a peculiar cult, without ceremonies. Albert
afterward of Jerusalem, under Innocent
III Patriarch and Legate, certain of observances rules
to them prescribed; he added also to the clothing a norm,
namely a cloak parti-colored from white and grayish
circled, Elias of this kind with a cult adorned to have walked,
Basil that of living form to have used asserting.
Was so pleasing the Prophetic of the Cloak habit,
not only to Christians but also to barbarians, that with great
of the Sultan alms the whole family was sustained
and enriched: but to the Roman Pontiff Honorius
IV not at all was approved, either because not
by a Roman wit devised or confirmed, or
because to Religion a circled and parti-colored habit
to befit did not seem. Therefore a white to them cloak
given, so that while under it grayish they were, either
color to them was retained. Which when done learned Melechsaites,
with so great wrath he was inflamed, that troops gathered
the monastery he invaded, and all being expelled by fire
both the shrine and the monastery he destroyed.

[11] The things for the defense of our silence in March, and for
the supplement of the affected there brevity about Bertholdus
and Cyrillus, in that manner prepared; collected
also summarily the reasons, [and I examined the faith of those handing down other things:] for which of supposition suspect
we could have writings certain, published under the names
of Joseph of Antioch, the Saints Dorotheus and Epiphanius,
John of Jerusalem the Patriarch, Liutprand and others
in Spain to Pseudo-Dexter subjoined,
of Leo Pope IV, and of others six more ancient than Bertholdus
Pontiffs, of Bertholdus himself and Cyrillus, of Enoch also
of Jerusalem, by whom S. Angelus' life was published, the Patriarch:
these, I say, so collected, inspected also accurately
and weighed the undoubted other and certain of the Order itself monuments
ancient; I composed a prolix enough about B. Albert,
as the Order's Legislator, Commentary, and Part
2 of the Propylaeum antiquary, to remove some inventions most recent about of certain European convents
the antiquity, contrary to the very Breviary, to the Pontiffs'
assertions, to the contemporary writer John of Samwico's most express
assertion, teaching, that, before of the Latins the kingdom
in Syria collapsed, the Professors of this Religion
never proposed outside the Holy Land to have
to inhabit any dwelling of their Religion;
that under Honorius III in Europe the Order was
unknown; and that under Innocent IV to the cismarine
parts themselves to betake compelled, on account of the incursions of barbarians,
thither aspired the affection, that through of Apostolic
piety the aid a state to attain they might be able etc. So
came forth our April: in which whether the scope intended I attained,
mine it is not to judge: as neither of them what
they effected, in compiling the second of the Carmelitic Armamentarium
part, and to it adding an Index before the very book injurious,
not to say false, while many as if proved it designates,
which the author scarcely had dared by a word to touch, at least not
as to himself certain to assert.

[12] For me meanwhile judged, before than that part 2
was composed, the common on both sides friend and censor, [Aubertus vanden Eeden approving,] then
Archdeacon of Antwerp, and Episcopal General Vicar,
afterward also Bishop our, but for a time, alas!
too brief, Aubertus vanden Eeden. Who not content
with that approbation general, which he had given to the whole April
to be prefixed; about my that tractate asked to bear by name
a sentence, in these words it with his own hand wrote,
after not once, but twice and thrice he had considered single things.
I read attentively the Life of S. Albert, from a Canon
Regular Bishop of Vercelli and at length Patriarch
of Jerusalem, through the Reverend Father Daniel Papebroch
from various authors composed: in
which a Rule to the Fathers Eremitic, on Mount Carmel
dwelling, is prescribed; and other things are contained,
which to historical faith conduce. The same therefore
by types to be published can I judge, notwithstanding that
before I had approved the Armamentarium Historico-Theological
of Carmel, by the Reverend Father Francis of Bonaspes,
of the Carmelite Order lately Provincial, composed.
For although Traditions the Holy Roman Church admits:
not however all as of faith to be believed
it prescribes; nor rejects if any against come forth from
truth not foreign, as this Life contains: and
this friendly contest only serves to obliterating
the scars from the Armamentarium's treatment, of truth
to be defended for the sake. In faith of which to these I subscribed.
Given at Antwerp, the XII of September MDCLXXIV.
But perhaps seen and read part the second of the Armamentarium otherwise
he would have judged. He saw and read; and not only not otherwise
judged; but now Bishop and of age more than seventy-year
an old man, of his own accord to our he came Museum, about to attest
of his mind the sentence grave, on account of the pedantic,
as he said, and not at all liberal of the writing, nothing
solidly concluding, style. Whence thou mayst gather, not at all
about to permit he was, if he had lived, that that here at Antwerp
should be recast, and be appended to the Carmelite Mirror of the Reverend
Father Daniel of the Virgin Mary, as now is done, against
the express mind of the author deceased, to the common Printer
Cnobbarus often while he lived having protested, in his work to appear
nothing, by which to us he would seem to be hostile.

[13] [who afterward Bishop the things contrary to us reproved.] But why that second part to be recast would have permitted
the most wise Prelate? who before than such a thing
was decreed, or perhaps even thought; to admit was unwilling
the offered to him Dedication of the Mirror aforenamed, although
this with him we praised, and by our counsel we said
by the Author to have been compiled, as from the Preface, before several
years printed, and to us by the very author shown, about to appear
we affirmed. The cause indeed, why the Dedication
that he repudiated, was not other, than that first in the entrance
it displayed the authority of the most learned man his uncle, Aubert
Myræus, of blessed memory; as if he of the history all Carmelite
had designated the Idea, when among of writings of books
the beginnings, less to the of true and false discrimination exercised,
than he was afterward by the Belgic Antiquities treating
made, he permitted to his that little book (to which by of others similar
norm a simple title was The Origin of the Teresians) another
title to be prefixed, from his custom and from the very of his
writing argument most foreign; and also an address
to the Reader to himself thrust upon, conforming to the title, by which are promised
of the Carmelite Order, by Elias the Prophet first
begun, by Albert Patriarch of Jerusalem
of the life by the Rule tempered, by B. Teresa the Virgin
Spanish to the primitive discipline recalled, the origin
and increments. Which all, from the known to him uncle's
mind, to be omitted wished the most Illustrious Lord; and the little book
aforesaid to its genuine simplicity to be restored, when
of Myræus' works all coordinated edition new, which
was being prepared, should proceed.

[14] But why the approbation of our Work, the disapprobations
of the adverse abroad do I seek? [The same with us feels a Carmelite learned,] Of his own accord to me himself from the Order Carmelite
offered an approver, by nation a Gaul, by race exceedingly
illustrious noble, by office not small among his own notable,
and (what is the head) by sincerity of mind and of things historical
treatment distinguished; whose letter, with concealed
of the place and person name, it pleases here to append. What I feel
about those things, which in his April wrote your Reverence
about our Order, more widely I will open by a more convenient occasion.
I will say meanwhile, that in very many things not do I depart from your assertions, and the less the more of zeal
and labor for many now years I have spent in those
to the bottom to be investigated. Truth I love, not fabrications,
with which on every side is filled the history of the Order:
from which would that once well it be purged! At the Saracen
in the Menology the absurdities often I have wondered:
I attempted some to reconcile: but in vain, especially in
Albert the Legislator. Of others now I am silent. My
mind about those matters often to more discreet certain ones
of our men I opened: and several, of which treats
your Reverence, before those I had seen, already long ago I judged:
whence not difficult will it be to excuse your Reverence (which
also I have done, and as much as prudence will suffer to do
I will proceed) as if to these to be written by an external aggression
impelled. Would that that Armamentarium's Author
had been silent, nor to you an occasion had given of departing
from a purpose once made! Would that also henceforth he be silent!
which scarcely I could believe. But of these now enough:
at another time an opportunity given with more words. Meanwhile chiefly
I praise the tractate on diplomas to be discerned, which above
all things pleases. I pray for happy to your Reverence festival
Pentecostal, and I ask the Lord, that her with the divine
of the Holy Spirit charisms to fill He deign,
that the Church with her most learned lucubrations
to enrich she may hasten. This I vow: this I wish.

[15] [nor a few perhaps assent in mind.] Whoever these will read, without doubt will think, in the same
Order several of this kind Nicodemuses to be, who rejoice
at the by me brought forth truth; which lest they themselves openly profess
and defend, prohibits a just fear of the too indiscreet and to themselves
known of certain Brethren about this part zeal.
Nor truly to them would I persuade that they betray themselves, nothing about to profit me,
to themselves indeed very much about to hurt, in this especially Flemish-Belgic
Province. If now, just as in centuries preceding,
several from the religious Orders to Ecclesiastical Prelacies
were taken, several perhaps would have from the very Carmelite
Order approvers our labor, even manifest.
So indeed everywhere we see to be done, that those who by faction rather
than by reason preoccupied better things either to recognize cannot
or to profess dare not; after by some occasion
they have been emancipated, begin in mind and judgment more serene
to use, and less to approve or plainly even to disapprove certain
opinions, which before with others to defend they tried, or
at least were unwilling to be known with themselves doubtful to be. It pleases of this thing
a witness to raise a dead man (for the dead now no longer
have what they fear) nor however because dead, to be rejected,
because of him nothing I am about to write, which to the of the Fathers
Daniel and Francis aforenamed knowledge, and
through them to of more still surviving conscience not
has come while he was living, nor a little perhaps on that account having suffered; far
moreover before than we about our April thought, wholly
after the Roman journey intent on March. [Father Ludovicus Iacob a Carmelite, at Paris,] Is he the Reverend Father Brother Ludovicus
Jacob of S. Carolus, of the Order of Carmelites a nursling,
by various books published illustrious, which all at Paris
in the sight of his own composed and to be printed cared.

[16] He in the year MDCLXII in the month of September, to one visiting himself
Father Henschenius said, I know that your Reverence exceedingly friendly
is to Father Daniel, [the greater antiquity being despised,] for this appears from his Proloquy to
the Vine of Carmel, of which behold this year published a copy:
but thou shouldst know all A. and L. filths in that
book to be resuscitated. I would not wish so to speak: but the words of the deceased
I ought not to alter. For what A. regards, human
it is not to add affliction to the afflicted, and graver perhaps
than he deserved having suffered. Of L. indeed so I feel, that me and himself
with a great injury affected I think by him, who the words
mine into his contumely interpreted: for the credulity
too great, from which him I would wish to have been immune, to him with
so many is common, that pardon most easily he merits;
otherwise he is praised by me on account of the sincerity, with which word for word
he produced the words of the by him alleged texts, and by this his
deed the convenience he left to others, of the whole matter by their very
own to judge. Would that so had done the Saracen! Nor him L.,
nor so many others would he have drawn into labyrinths inextricable.
He began that to recognize, with me acting, the Reverend Father Daniel of
the Virgin Mary, not once to me having protested, himself the Saracen,
a manifest liar, now nothing further to believe: in which purpose
whether he persisted, will be from the work, then beyond the middle
printed, the latter part to be esteemed. And these
through a parenthesis said let them be. The Father therefore Ludovicus Jacob,
the begun pursuing discourse; That thou mayst understand, he said,
how far of another mind I am, behold the Carmelite Library
a work now nearly prepared for the press, which from Albert
the Legislator our I begin: for whatever than him
and Bertholdus the first Prior more ancient
to be is pretended, are not but dreams of our men. [from Albert he begins the Carmelite library.]
Would that the most excellent work in its origin had not
been suppressed! For if abolished utterly it is not after
the author's death, willingly I myself to the press would give it, lest it perish, or
into someone's hands come, who others' to himself labors substituting,
all those add, which utterly was unwilling another to touch.
Would that also surviving still were the Reverend Father Philip Labbe;
(while I then rather ill being at home was detained) having accompanied
Father Henschenius that day, and of the whole colloquy a most faithful witness!
This however defect somehow supplies the Reverend Father Brother Jacob
Quetif, of the most learned man Francis Combefis among
the Preachers in the convent of the Annunciation a most worthy successor,
most lately to me by letters the day before the Kalends of October
given having attested, that by some of studies familiarity
joined with Father Carolus, especially while with the best
of Harlay the Senator most ample the parent he dwelt, often from him
heard the same as we, namely from Albert only
drawn to him to be of the Carmelite Library the beginning,
from this that the earlier things tottered. Scarcely I would doubt,
that at Paris others very many similar from his mouth received,
whom to seek out is not worth the effort: I think indeed that the Fathers
Carmelites faith will have even to Henschenius alone,
now an octogenarian, and of to be rendered to God of deeds and sayings
all the account daily thinking.

[17] Believed certainly already long ago Father Francis of Bonaspes,
and on that occasion against Father Ludovicus indeed, then still living,
vomited revilings, such as not at all befitted by a Brother
against a Brother to be cast: against us moreover he conceived bile,
which after years seven he revealed; and again recooked
thenceforth fostered, in the second part of the Armamentarium to be brought forth.
For the rest that at the beginning vehemently reluctant the Brethren his
and disciples compelled again to apply to the writing unhappy
his hand, that with whatever mind and style it be done, not only
not unworthily I bear; but even I acknowledge, some to him me to owe
thanks for the noting of two or three from another's information
errors, and of faults some typographical,
as ready in their place and time those to correct, as
other rightly established to defend against interpretations impertinent
of my words, nay even of cogitations accusations,
comparisons disparate, complaints unseasonable,
paralogisms continuous, [I, if further I be compelled, to a further apology,] tautologies insipid, with which that book,
not the cause to be filled judge very many, who our
with those so have compared, that them in their proper fountain and their
native context have read; not indeed distracted among foreign
discourses: from which head I would wish not to deserve to be accused
those, who the offered to them Armamentarium part the second
seem to have approved.

[18] But since against those to defend myself and my writings I am compelled,
not that I will do, as hitherto, as if another thing doing; but with a plain
and easy reason. First indeed to teach I will attempt, where, when, and
how great force has a negative argument, [in six heads briefly I will conclude,] which as
none or strawy everywhere by the Triumphator
is hissed off. II. Severally I will run through the writings under the of authors
aforenamed titles to be objected wont; and I will show the arguments,
from which I maintained those to foreign both times and
names to be supposed, hitherto to remain unshaken; accordingly
neither to S. Cyril, nor to another of whatsoever and how great
esteem man, any to be done injury, when the author of some
writing, under the name of Cyril for example wrongly thrust upon and
published, for the sake of brevity and by a phrase in such things usual, is called
Pseudo-Cyril etc. III. I will demonstrate how
small and with how many errors and gratuitous conjectures implicated
even to our age has been with the Order the knowledge, of
the life and acts of the more ancient its Saints, namely Bertholdus,
Albert, Cyril, Angelus, Simon, Avertanus,
Peter Thomas etc. proving it monuments
of contemporary witnesses: and him who these of set purpose and by long
experience treats, not to strike on that which is said by a divulged
adage, that a fool sees more of his own house than
a wise man of another's. IV. As consequent from the prior will be drawn,
how much it differs between that of credibility grade, [hitherto nothing solidly to have been answered]
in which the Society's and of other of this age histories' writers
consist; and that, which can be given to writers Carmelite,
after so many centuries, about things greatest, and if true
they had been, with the ancient writers by no means to be passed over,
most asseveratingly speaking foreign things from those, of which
the indications now we have in of the same, to which things those pertain,
times' writers, as are John Phocas, Albert
in the Rule, the Pontiffs in the first Bulls to the Order given,
Sanwicus etc. V. I will weigh the equiparations from the published by
us of the Saints Acts taken, nothing to the matter to do: and us
of them some by disapproving, or by examining more severely
than before was done, not to dissolve but to fulfill the law,
from the beginning fixed, of truth gradually to be cleared away, and
freely to be brought forth. VI. Finally nothing else I will conclude,
than the pretended of the Carmelite Order antiquities of this kind
to be, that of them can not imprudently be doubted; and
the very doubters no to do injury to the Order, either
when about them to treat they shun for a greater good's respect; or
when to speak compelled at length ingenuously they confess, what they feel;
of which the first in March, the second we did in April.
And by this reason, I believe, abundantly to satisfy me the most intricate
and most obscure author of the Armamentarium, even if
I follow not the footsteps of him, by comparing Chapter to Chapter, Paragraph
to Paragraph.

[19] [by a writer so unlearned,] In such moreover a disputation I shall not be able not grievingly
to bear, that of the whole Order, as a more fit one
not having, in the place, into it himself thrust a man, in Scholastic
disputations a name indeed some not undeservedly
having obtained; but of the principles to be held by a Historian altogether
rude, and nothing not to deny prepared, what to his sayings
he shall see to be adverse. An example dost thou wish? Read what he heaped together for
asserting of the Florentine foundation the tablets, as in the century
VIII made, and chiefly see the deduced in no. 641
and following, where about cyphers he disputes, of which the use before the wars
sacred not at all known to have been to the Europeans I had said; [as ignorant of the origin of cyphers,] a thing
certainly even to moderately learned ones as known, as commonly it is established the typographic art not to be with us much more ancient
than two centuries. If the truth of my assertion to explore
wishing were unknown the writers Arab, Greek, Latin
which he might consult; if neither at hand was of Athanasius Kircher
the Arithmology, where in part 1 chapter 4 at length is treated of the cyphers
or numbers at this day used the origin
and fabric; there were not lacking in a thousand places to be seen MS.
volumes, original of Kings and Princes diplomas,
authentic of buyings and sellings instruments, indubitable
of sepulchres ancient epitaphs, from which,
if it could be done, of greater antiquity for the said cyphers might be sought
examples: there were also Notaries aged at Florence
and at Cologne, (where originally to be extant are said the documents which we
of falsehood accuse) who, if of cyphers the use so ancient
those in cities was, as is pretended, very many to
it to confirm would show examples.

[20] But such to seek laborious too much and by no reason necessary
seemed to a man, having of the Sacred Italy nine volumes, [from the beginning of the Church to have been used he maintains,] and
of the Councils general far more, in which of the Royal
charters and of Pontifical epistles some are found
with cyphers those in this century printed, which persuade
not the Arabs from the Indians in the X century, not the Spaniards from the Arabs
in the XIII century the cyphers themselves to have received, but them long
before so to have been known to the Europeans, that for very many centuries,
and probably from the primitive Church, of them or
of the numeral letters the use was arbitrary. Io!
Thrice io! Io Triumphe! A veteran, and in that argument
best exercised pugilist (I use the words of the Reverend Admodum Father
Master Jacob Emans of Sacred Theology Doctor Professor of Cologne approving
part 2 of the Armamentarium) the novice Henschenius' and Papebroch's
weapons, in arguments merely negative or
conjectures, in mere vain-speaking founded … consisting
… through most ancient and undoubted monuments
… so strongly and manfully bound,
crushed, and enervated, that truly of them that of David
to be said can; The arrows of little children were made the wounds
of them, that is, as those which by boys are wont to be brandished,
laughable.

[21] [the originals MSS. for the proof not consulted.] But hey, good man, before than a triumph thou singest
by that most learned response brought back, not yet well seen
the enemy, much less conquered; I will ask thee a word one.
Seriously dost thou believe, that thy that most exercised Pugilist,
his resolutions historical nearly from the time wont into paper
to cast, as the Theological he poured from the chair, in
those of the schools exercitations, which Disputations on
Theses certain proposed you call, where all the praise is to have
at hand what straightway may be answered to the arguer, and
an ambiguous or conjectural response rather to give than
none (for this style the whole work everywhere savors, and
chiefly in this place) believest thou I say, solicitous to have been he,
or so great to himself to have indulged delay, that of the very diplomas
by Ughellus cited and from him to me objected the originals,
in those places where they are kept to be inspected he would care, and so from
sure knowledge would say, truly them to be noted by cyphers?
He indeed small to me faith has, simply asserting
something by me learned, seen, or done; but
enough liberally of falsehood accuses: yet not in this
would I dare him of me to have lied to say, but by his opinion false:
but by his faith asserting anything by sight, hearing, or report
known, without hesitation I would believe. Now since in this of
which it is treated case, of the diligence, which we require in those applied,
not only not he applies of his faith or of another's asserters
public Notaries, as with the greatest noise he does in one
or the other place, in a cause of fact nothing to the principal question
pertaining, but not even his private own, which to me would suffice,
faith asserts, to it himself to have striven; to presume I ought not
this to him a care to have been at present about of numeral letters and
cyphers question. But, if of the instruments by him, as
I said, alleged the tenor is the question, it suffices faithfully a copied
copy, and such with Ughellus or another whomsoever
to be found, it is fair to believe. But where about characters
it is treated, Roman or Lombard? old or new are they?
by cyphers or by numeral letters are signified the years: who but
a present eye will be able to judge? Hence in my Propylaeum
antiquary the very also of characters forms to be inspected I exhibited;
and among others one this also to be a way I showed,
by which the true from the false can be discerned.

[22] To know therefore now dost thou wish, how glassy and fragile a shield
that was, [but only the printed things being alleged.] with which the Triumphator the weapon received that of whatever kind
by me hurled? The copyists, as now barbarously they call them,
and the typesetters (if with those for thee a business
sometime there was, as is for us daily) consult I advise; and
straightway thou wilt have them confessing; the first indeed, themselves, because either
altogether they know not or are not accustomed the Roman or numeral
letters, such as in the originals are found, to write, to signing
numbers more often to use cyphers; the second indeed the same frequently to do,
either because by the capitals M, D, C, L, X, V, I, so often
in one folio to be repeated, as often as there were need, are lacking in printing-houses
not best instructed the instruments, or because so before
themselves did others, or because of the lines to be conformed
the symmetry it requires, or from some similar of necessity
or convenience respect. Further as those, for those, which I have said
and other causes, for numeral letters cyphers to substitute
license to themselves liberally arrogate: so on the contrary
of a more cultivated Latinity or of venerable antiquity professors,
not less than barbarisms in speech, barbaric in
writing notes avoid; nor even today, when the most common
is the use of cyphers, the excellent which they have
conveniences to be preferred suffer to the use Roman, of Europe
all through so many centuries common. We in our work that of moderation
way enter, that in the very of the ancient authors
context and our in the Commentaries nearly we use letters
numeral; even when from the originals, in this our age
first made and cyphers having, we relate anything;
in the Annotations indeed and in the marginal of the fuller context
epitome, we apply cyphers for brevity's sake. With
Ughellus and the Compilers of Councils no sure
I find rule which they followed: this only I see,
neither to them nor to us has come into mind, that to be believed we would wish
those which from codices and charters either new or ancient
we publish, so to publish, that neither a point, nor a letter's form
changed be by our arbitration; and so from books so published to be known
it cannot, in which manner the numbers be originally written, except
when to the matter it makes this very thing with a singular care to note.

[23] [Difficult it is indeed to dispute with those,] It would not be difficult, in like manner, in which about of cyphers
the antiquity and use was repressed the boasting of the rashly
exulting one, to the other equally learned of the Triumphator
resolutions to proceed, with which he the second part of the Armamentarium
his furnished, study and effort conferring
the most strong seven warriors, from the whole number of disciples
chosen, as at Antwerp it was boasted in the beginning of the undertaken
work: but that neither this place, nor the proposed
now to me scope suffers. Nay rather long and much I doubted,
nor still for certain can I determine with myself, whether that windy
machine's armaments to contemn I ought, as if nowhere
they were extant, according to the counsel of several learned men,
and so of labor, of paper and of time a saving
to make; or indeed by a peculiar Commentary to pursue the cavils
and evasions single. For if to the Master similar the disciples
are, oil indeed and effort I shall lose by disputing
with those, whom indeed easy it is to convince, to effect however
that themselves convinced they confess or even understand, most difficult,
blinding hence their passion, thence of fundamental
to things historical cognitions inexperience. From these indeed
two heads it was done, that in whatever manner with them
I have acted, revilings I have brought back.

[24] Did I say candidly, that to one compelled to answer it was necessary
to pull down fabrications certain, under another's name deceiving? [who contending not by reasons, but by revilings,]
By a Satanic fury, hatred, wrath I was said, vengeance,
which one perhaps deserved, to seek from
the Order universal, which those for true of John, of Cyril
etc. writings received. Did I feign something, and deny myself
to wish the pretended of the Order from Elias procession to impugn?
(as indeed neither I wished, nor wish, provided it to me from elsewhere
than from the aforesaid be proved) Himself Father Daniel, whom a man
to be most meek I had believed, from his and of either Prior,
the ruling, and of the office discharged sense, writes back, that
I use a politic not religious, but neither human: which
read our Bishop Aubertus, It remains therefore, he said, that
a diabolic to have used he wished to say. To one disputing escaped
something more spirited? Not by reasons to fight I am judged,
but by sarcasms, satires, and revilings. The truth's rawness
did I season with a sweetness some of words? Continually I hear,
Softened were his discourses above oil and they themselves are
darts. Did I teach what Barra, what Carpita, what Melotes
are, and whence or from what tongue taken the words? I am laughed at
as a Grammarian, as if those namely ought by Theologians
to be learned. But since proposed to me it was, not to weave an apology
manifest, but a history, in which of various utility
erudition mixed in, to me and to my Reader that loathing should take away,
which is wont reciprocal altercations to accompany; incredible
it is, how even most innocently said things, nor to any
envy and contradiction obnoxious, attempted the Triumphator
to change into arrows; with which by a business easy
taking away the point which himself had given, in infinite of his writing
places about an imaginary enemy prostrated to himself applauding, weapons, truly
strawy, but his own, comminuted, crushed, dissipated
he boasts, and me in single things hallucinated, hallucinating
himself, he accuses. Similarly, because by the accustomed to us style and
by the proper to a Historian truthful modesty often I said, to be doubted
it could, to me to seem, someone perhaps about to think etc.
quite otherwise than is done in the scholastic dust, in which scarcely
thou wouldst see doubting anyone, but most from the pulpit as
from a tripod to pronounce definitive sentences; he hisses off
wonderfully that of proceeding manner; not attending
how much easier it is efficaciously to demonstrate false to be
anything, than about that, of which perhaps no fit author
is extant, certain something to substitute: in which case to prudent
conjecture, and to the curious reader perhaps about to please, place
to be, no one will deny, until from elsewhere greater and better light
shine.

[25] [even into the whole Society to be cast;] Of the rest what shall I say? Alone God the kidneys and hearts
scrutinizes; it is done however sometimes that evidently itself betrays passion,
and these in the Armamentarium to be recognized can. Now a Synopsis of them
a certain receive from the Epigrams, which to me one from
the triumphal pugilists' number, once perhaps my or of my disciples'
disciple, to the Order by our counsel directed
or by commendation received, name and place concealed,
sent to Mechlin, whither to have turned aside me he had heard, not many after the published April months, to repairing my strength,
which a prolix and deadly disease utterly had exhausted. Four
Epigrams there were, unworthy all, that the light they should see;
and so it will suffice a specimen of the predominant passion
to have seen in one.

To cast out from all writings lies thou busiest.
      Best: but from yours begin, I pray, books.
That with fictions teem more volumes, thou sayest.
      I would, lest of the age the first also and image be thine.
That thou chastened boastest to send forth Lives.
      O first of thy Father make it be that itself!
There snatch the Companions monasteries, names, Saints.
      Therefore now suffers the world, as before the pole?

I omit the following distichs three, where the furious Poet of his rage
the overflowing foam casts upon our Society
and its founder Ignatius, a calumny often refuted
seizing from a certain famous little book, about some places
which once of the Benedictine Order were to us translated, accusing
the Supreme Pontiffs and most August Emperors,
by whose disposition and of the public greater good for the sake that to have been done
is recognized; by an example so known and usual, and
even in the very of the Carmelites Annals to be found, that a wonder
it is to have been able to be found men so blinded by envy, who
to a fault have turned to the Society, what others to themselves count as honor. Those
therefore omitted, only let be read what against me he, his epigram
thus pursuing:

Thou boastest, in great to be written thy scoffs books;
      How great to thee great scoffs of no praise will be?
Thou boastest, in great to be written thy scoffs books;
      Who great scoffs would bear a small work?
Thou boastest, in great thee books to write. How thou
      Or great will be able to write no one books?

So against truth here to me is struck, that those I boast;
as by another, that I said, Will perish that little book, (the Armamentarium
understanding) but our Works will remain.
Not ours that boasting was, but of the very
Carmelites the complaint, which even before the edition of April
from the mouth of the Reverend Fathers Daniel and Gerard I heard sometimes,
grieving the refutation of the Armamentarium about to be perennial,
in our great, [whose encounter rightly I could have dreaded,] as they spoke, and solemn Work.

[26] An end none there would be to one wishing to pursue single things. One thing I say,
that into whatever of my Commentary and opposed to the same
Armamentarium part I turn my eyes, a cause I see,
why such things about to follow foreseeing could and ought to have
fled the mind (as to Baronius at the year 664, no. 24.
of much lighter moment a question between the Italians and Gauls
Benedictines most agitated about to treat) so dense
of controversy, not of one but of manifold, a thicket to approach,
which it dreaded even from afar to behold. It appears certainly
from the adversaries' sayings and deeds, the edition of April having followed,
just to have been that of the mind the things to come presaging horror;
and yet to the most Reverend of their Orders Generals
they persuaded, that among the heads of accusation, against me
to the of our Society's General Superior to be brought, be numbered,
that by a Baronian phrase, with the same as he sense
and the same respect, that by which I was provoked stadium I called
a rough with goads thicket. In this and other similar
some if I perhaps exceeded seven times, retributed the Triumphator
beyond seventy times seven; which as to him I I forgive
willingly, so to me in turn by his disciples to be forgiven I ask;
to the successors April about to recognize charging, that whatever
more bitterly answers or sayings they shall judge, they soften, change,
expunge most freely. Be far indeed that for this or that word,
more gravely than himself I intended received, [as enough proves this simple narration.] a litigation to me be with
men religious.

[27] Meanwhile congruous I esteemed by this simple of the thing among us
done narration to fortify the reader; lest those few who us and
their Order disturb, with the learned and unlearned to accuse
me proceed of injured charity; as if the quiet themselves, and
safe with us friendship in all ways desiring, to
those against us and our Work to be written and divulged
we had provoked; on account of one man's deed, disapproved
by the rest, by defaming (as they say) the whole Order, through
that, which to the Acts of the Saints, hardly indeed to such an end
to me entrusted, I inserted a farrago of lies and
scoffs: so indeed, for their religious modesty and charity,
they speak and write. Indeed by far better
studies intent little to those gibes would I be moved;
unless by the same occasion everywhere they persuaded, and to many even
they persuaded, upon the Jesuits (of whom however hitherto no one in
our defense himself to move has been permitted, nor as
I hope will be permitted) to fall back the fault of the scandals, which
here at Antwerp (that of other places I be silent) suffer the faithful.

Diverse about a thing of any kind to feel to two
      Unimpaired it was always lawful with friendship.

By this law if with me to act you wish, Fathers and Brethren even now
most dear, there will not be lacking in our Work an occasion frequent
of satisfying the objections so often repeated, perhaps
and to be repeated. But if your faults upon me and my companions to cast
you proceed, and in that in which you have begun manner the thing to do, have
to yourselves both of that contentious and too much shrill
saw the handles.

[28] [Wherefore the Bishop consulting the Sacred Congregation of Rites,] I fear however, lest when we and the Society of peace loving
shall be silent, others speak, greater and more than perhaps we would wish;
just as in the year MDCLXXVII to the end verging,
the most Illustrious and most Reverend our Bishop above
praised did, and did it of his own motion, as afterward to
the face he said to those, who to him sent were, complaints to bring
against us, as of such counsel the authors. What moreover
did he? To the Sacred Congregation of Rites the Presiding Cardinals
a supplicatory little book to be offered he gave, in these words
dictated, of which to us afterward a copy he handed over:

Most Eminent Lords.

When in all of the Spains and the Indies kingdoms,
and the Belgic Provinces, to the Catholic King, our Lord,
subject, no can be printed or for sale exposed
Breviaries or Offices, but those which according to
the Roman exemplar, with the license of the Ordinary, in
and from the Plantinian Typography of Balthasar Moretus
here at Antwerp stand and come forth; and so
for future henceforth impressions my, as of the Ordinary,
license to be sought more often is: to my office
I believed to pertain, to expound to the Sacred, over which you preside,
Congregation of Rites, that in these parts,
and perhaps also elsewhere, where great is of the faithful toward
the Mother of God devotion, and Catholics with heretics either neighboring
or mixed live, not a light arises difficulty
about the Lessons for the second Nocturn, on the day XVI
of July to be recited in the solemn Commemoration of the B.
Virgin Mary of Mount Carmel, according to the exemplar
of the Office to these adjoined, and often recast, after that,
the most Serene Queen of the Spains asking, with
S. Father N. Clement X's precept, was extended to
all, who in the aforesaid of the Catholic King dominions
to the Canonical Hours are bound. For the Fathers Carmelites
say, write, and preach, [complains, by the occasion of the Lessons of B. M. of Carmel more insolently to be acted.] through of this kind
Office Lessons proper so to be affirmed traditions
their about the Procession of their Order from Elias the Prophet,
and the name of Brothers of B. Mary Virgin of Mount
Carmel, already from the times of the Apostles to the same
given, so that of their truth no more can
be doubted, without an injury of the Sacred Congregation
and the very Apostolic See. On the contrary learned men
everywhere in the Clergy, both secular as regular, esteem,
to the holy Fathers' sentences more conformable
to be believed, that the very B. V. Mary the first was, who the standard
of chastity raised, her to God Virginity vowing;
the contrary moreover of the said Fathers Carmelites
traditions by no of the ancient histories
support to be propped: and so themselves with the Eminent Cardinal Baronius
at the year 1181 no. 13 to be able to feel, that
the Order of the Carmelites, who in Palestine on the very mountain
Carmel fixed their seat, under Alexander III Roman
Pontiff took its origin. Not to have been moreover, nor
to be they think the mind of the Sacred Congregation or the Apostolic
See, either when the said Office in the Order
to be recited to be able first it granted, or when it lately
to all of the Catholic King subjects extended, of this kind
assertions of themselves to give the weight of irrefragable authority;
but in these and other of the monastic Orders'
lessons, which to them through their privileges to compose
and to print is allowed, only permissively itself to have.
They complain therefore to be hurt themselves by of this kind of Fathers Carmelites
sayings, writings, and preachings; to be scandalized
the unskilled common people; to the heretics, the rites Catholic
to deride wont, matter of gainsaying to be afforded: and therefore
they desire, that for a remedy of the aforesaid, the Sacred Congregation
its about this mind to declare deign:
Nay even useful to be they esteem, if free to each be left,
for the Lessons of the II Nocturn on the feast
of the Commemoration aforesaid, to usurp the Lessons
prescribed in the like Solemnity of the most holy Rosary
from a Homily some, since after the manner of this
was made of that Office the extension. Upon these of the Sacred Congregation
the answer and resolution humbly
I will await, that in the henceforth future of the said Office impressions
according to it to proceed I may be able, without anyone's
burden or prejudice. God your Eminences
unimpaired keep, 17 December 1677.

Aubertus Bishop of Antwerp.

[29] About a month and a half after these letters to the most Illustrious Lord
Bernardin Casalius, [Answer the Carmelites of Rome,] of that Congregation Secretary, handed over;
he who in the most Illustrious of Antwerp's name them had offered,
met on the XXVI day of February MDCLXXVIII the aforesaid most Illustrious
Lord Secretary, asking from him an answer which he might send back.
Answered moreover that Lord: The Sacred Congregation
to have judged, to be communicated to the Carmelite Fathers
of either Order the complaints and petitions of the most Illustrious and
most Reverend of Antwerp: but those Fathers these
seen to have answered through a Memorial, of which both the original
to be transcribed he exhibited, and for the awaited answer
to be sent back. For the Sacred Congregation, judging,
benignly to be acquiesced to those which they proposed
and asked the said Fathers Carmelite of either
Order, to have determined to abstain from a new upon these Decree
to be made, and to trust, that to the inconveniences, which
the most Illustrious and most Reverend of Antwerp had proposed,
sufficiently to be met through those which they alleged and
promised the said Fathers in their Memorial. If however
the same most Illustrious and most Reverend Lord henceforth
should detect there anything of that kind
inconvenient, let him himself restrain and correct by the authority
with which he is strong: or if anything further he shall desire, again
to the Sacred Congregation let him write, opportunely
upon the things brought about to provide.

[30] We were then by chance, when that answer was rendered,
with the most Illustrious Lord: who that opportunity using,
not only it to us to be read exhibited, but
also with the adjoined Memorial granted to be transcribed;
of the Memorial indeed, after the cause's exposition here was the tenor.
They say, [to acknowledge themselves, that the B. V. first solemnly chastity vowed:] themselves everywhere and always from their inmost bowels
to hold the most Blessed Virgin to have been the primary cause,
final, motive, and exemplary of solemnly chastity
vowed: to whose example, if anything ever was,
is, and will be, true religion savoring in the Order Carmelite,
utterly wholly emanated: and to the very Immaculate
Virgin uniquely accepted they refer, nor ever
the opposite have said. Then they marvel, that
from the aforesaid Lessons anyone should infer the procession
of the Carmelites, with a vow solemn of chastity, from
Elias the Prophet, against the established prerogative of the most Blessed

Virgin; since not the least word
there is read of the Religion instituted, or of Chastity
by Elias constituted. To these not is said there,
that from the times of the Apostles the title of Brothers
of the Order of the most Blessed Virgin they obtained the Carmelites:
but only, that so to be called they began on account of
the cult to the most Blessed Virgin everywhere exhibited. Easily
I see whither tends the twice inculcated mention of the vow solemn, nowhere
by the most Illustrious named: but I wish that for a while to dissimulate.
Whether moreover and by what reason can a vow, by which herself bound
the Virgin be called Solemn, let inquire the Theologians, when they dispute
of the religious vow's solemnity; which to be of positive law, and
by the Church long after the Apostles' times instituted, the Roman
Pontiffs by public Constitutions * have taught. But I return
to the Memorial, as to the principal point speaking, as follows:

[31] As much as to the authority of the mentioned Office
regards, nothing in it occurs before others, containing
histories ancient, [and to lessons only a historical faith be required.] of which an exact that and sure
to be had now knowledge cannot, which about the lives
and deeds of the Saints, in these last times
canonized, for the most part is at hand: and so in
the same place and grade is by the Sacred Congregation laid up,
which, according to the Catholic Doctors'
sentence, possess very many similar
Offices, in the Roman Breviary without any now controversy
existing… But if some preachers
and writers indiscreetly themselves bear, from too great
and imprudent zeal their enlarging phylacteries, and imposing
on the Sacred Congregation, what in the liberal
concession of the aforecited Office never it asserted; opportune
and efficacious it is not such an Office to derogate,
or in some of its part to correct… but the Father
General of the Order of the Carmelites straightway under regular
threats will forewarn his nurslings,
especially the Belgians, that henceforth without anyone's offense
in preachings to the people they bear themselves: since indeed
in other points they are not accused, nor the aforesaid
Lord Bishop of any injury or irreverence
to him by them inflicted complains.

[32] Seemed not enough to acquiesce the Bishop; both
because asked the Fathers, [With the answer acquiesces the Bishop, we persuading,] their that Office in the same place
and grade laid up to be had, which possess similar
Offices in the Roman Breviary existing: both
because in others, which he had touched, points much less to satisfy
the responses he felt; himself also somewhat in one place to be touched.
But we of religious charity mindful, and wishing
of the aforesaid Fathers, however much deserving, well to deserve, altogether
persuaded that he should acquiesce. For if indeed it be treated of
past scandals, to of an unhoped gladness novelty caused
through those, to whom through the said Office's extension all their
opinion as canonized seemed; that, the minds growing cool, not
a little to be diminished, and from the most religious
of Antwerp's Fathers convent, which chiefly to be taxed
seemed, altogether to be hoped, that of more moderate
and more prudent the care would restrain the indiscreet
of a few zeal, especially when thither acceded also
the promised by the most Reverend of the Order General threats.

[33] As to faith moreover that regards to be applied to the history,
in the Lessons of the II Nocturn comprehended; [to whom enough it is the liberty of doubting to be granted,] although perhaps
much it differs between the manner, in which the Roman Breviary's Offices
were approved, and in which to be approved are said monastic
some; that however not to seem to be examined more curiously: to us
ourselves, whom that thing more closely could regard, much less to others
all abundantly enough to be, if the Fathers Carmelite suffer
the same with liberty to be examined and disputed of their history
the truth; with which suffers the Church learned men to be conversant about
S. Dionysius the Patron of the Parisians, while they inquire
whether the same be, who the Areopagite, or another; whether by S. Clement
in the first century sent, or first under Decius in the III century:
likewise about the history, which the XXIX of July in the feast of S. Martha is recited:
and finally as we in our Work about of the Saints
Romualdus and Francis of Paula the years of life, much than
the Lessons have fewer, have discoursed; and almost daily
we observe several of the Roman Martyrology errors:
which however, now once placed, it is not expedient continually and easily
to be changed; more advisedly indeed to be awaited of our Work about
the Saints, not the absolution only, but also a recognition
of it mature and serious, lest anything changed too hastily
from the opinion now ours, afterward either by us ourselves or by others
more certain documents having obtained, be judged to have been to be retained.
Meanwhile from the aforesaid resolution this of convenience now to be had,
that sufficiently refuted remains the Armamentarium's Author,
his Preludes concluding in no. 69 by the recitation of the Clementine Brief,
and of the Office through it to all of the Hispanic monarchy
provinces extended, as if all my things against him not obscurely
strike, and almost a single thing to those to be enervated
suffices.

[34] [or about the Carmelite history silence to be permitted:] And these to me seem to be able to suffice for proving
of our writers the innocence, although to a prolix
book a more prolix none should follow apology; about to cease
perhaps it to demand further the Fathers Carmelite, or
the presses not bearing the delay of time, which to it laboriously to be prepared,
and more laboriously to be recognized, ought to be spent, especially
since its of six volumes by the mass heavy May, in a good of its part
still to be composed, in a greater to be printed remains, on account of
my frequent and long infirmities; of one companion the death
unseasonable; and of the other, whom for a master and of the whole
machine the director I venerate, the great old age. The Saints
of the Carmelite Order undoubted Lives (such
indeed not few and very illustrious the Order most sacred has)
if they suffer, in the same in which of other Saints the Acts manner
and style to be examined and illustrated (as in this May now
I do, and further to do I am prepared) not difficultly will be wiped away
all that, which brought in April, bitterness; and openly
it will become, with how faithful and constant love them always we have
pursued, whom so much more tenderly to love to ourselves we esteem,
the closer between Jesus and Mary the conjunction
is; and in Theological and Moral doctrine against
the Antimonks Innovators the consent more perfect among
the Orders, by either name called. But if either to their histories
or to our distrusting sincerity, they prefer their Saints
by us thenceforth altogether to be passed over; it will be done not with less
perhaps with our convenience, than diminution of glory,
from our labor to the Order and its Saints otherwise about to come;
it will be done moreover without any of displeasure indication on the part
of us; and of such ones the names with a most brief eulogy to their
each days will be related among the Passed Over, because so the Order
either or one or the other wished. For what they pretended
sometime certain ones, that whatever about those to publish we should wish
among the Acts of the Saints, that our Society, as of its proper
and to itself accustomed censure distrustful, to be examined should afford
to Censors by either of the Carmelites Order to be chosen;
that how not reasonable nor tolerable, and with an infinite
to things other many prejudice joined it be, easily
sees, whoever eyes has that to see he can.

[35] [which easily we hope from the Fathers Discalced,] For the rest not therefore because either Order here is named,
let anyone esteem equally in this cause to be moved
the Carmelites, both the Ancient, who to us first the litigation moved;
as the Discalced, who no in their counsel
part had; willingly I would add, the latter to cultivate
friendship with us at Antwerp and elsewhere in Flanders-Belgium,
not less than before; nor to be lacking among them, who
confess, our those Commentaries, against which so greatly
rise up others, not greatly to be disapproved by them, many
even from them to be approved, at least as very probable. But if
in the Chapter of the Order General, at Rome through the summer of the year MDCLXXVII
celebrated, persuaded those Fathers it was, that a Memorial
a certain, against us by Ancient certain ones from this province,
at Rome then dwelling, composed, in the common name to be exhibited
they should make to the most Reverend our Father General: done that was at
the importunate solicitations of the Provincial Gallo-Belgian: whom of such
a counsel to have been the author he only will marvel, who the man
is ignorant of, and his averse from the whole our Society mind, from
a cause of doctrine, which our Society disapproves, by the Church
condemned; of which however himself a defender to bear he dared,
not altogether unpunished. For (that some other things I be silent of) a certain
by himself written of that argument book, by a most grave
of the Fathers of his Order judgment, was ordered with his own hands publicly
to burn and from all henceforth writing to cease. This
moreover by the impeller offered Memorial when our Father had received;
and sent to the answer to be reported, of the Society
our Procurator General was; [although of them one is adverse.] many hence and thence alleged,
as to me written afterward it was, did not omit
our man; a wonder to seem to be able, that a litigation at the same time
and force is intended; is demanded satisfaction as by a legitimate
judgment, and of this kind actors at the same time an armed
with goads book publish, by which what to await
from an Arbiter they seem an expiation, they take beforehand
of their own accord and to themselves liberally indulge. And to these an answer
by the Theresians was; to grieve themselves that the Carmelites
Old the second of the Armamentarium part have published; themselves
indeed to have preferred, that the matter being entire of the General Superior
of the Society the authority should be appealed to. Whence incidentally it was understood,
the conspiracy of the twin Family, in the little book
boasted, not truly to subsist: which then
more was confirmed, having followed of the same Theresians to
the rest then proposed the silence, as further not caring
a cause to themselves properly not pertaining; and leaving
the web to be woven through by the Ancient, which they had without
themselves begun.

[36] [B. Aloysius about the year 1490 seems to have died,] I return to the Venerable and Blessed Aloysius;
whom they who in the year of Christ MCCCCXLIII, and they who MDIII
dead wrote, erred both, from the very which
they treated by the hands to be established chronology rule,
of the public, I say, testifications by the Acts; from which this one
enough certainly is made out, about the year MCCCCXC that
death to have happened. For of whom the body, as it was said, dissolved
into bones, from that where it had stood place and coffin translated
into another ark, under the high altar was venerated in the year of that century
ninety-sixth, cannot much later have died: and whom
the witness IV, in the year MCCCCLXX born, approached frequently and
familiarly, wont by the holy of him words and examples
not rarely to tears to be moved, [it is uncertain on what day:] it is not credible
much sooner from this mortal life to have gone out. As moreover
in the whole first Process, at which were present those who living
him to have known remembered, no one the year of death noted, so
neither the day, except that one said, a Saturday to have been. Whence
an indication to us is made (acceding especially the of the witnesses in either Process
heard silence) to no sure day, as if
that of death or of translation was, restricted to have been the people's
veneration; but through all the year's days with equal right was wont
to be exercised. Nay I esteem, in S. Michael's convent, which living
Aloysius scarcely still some form had of a monastery
regular, as below will appear, nothing at all by writing or
memory to have been preserved, about the year and day of death and
translation aforesaid.

[37] [it is referred however to the 8th or the 11th of May.] Whence therefore Octavius Cajetanus our man, in the Idea of the work
on the Lives of the Sicilian Saints, of the fame of sanctity illustrious,
published at Palermo in the year MDCXVII, in the alphabetical index
of the II Class page 32 placed Aloysius Prior the Carmelite
on the VIII of May? Which without further examination having followed
Rocchus Pirrus, wrote that he slept in the Lord
on the VIII day of May. And whence on page 116 in the Martyrology,
in the margin the sworn Acts alleging, places on the XI day of May
these words: At Randazzo Aloysius, Prior of the Order
of the Carmelites, for virtue slain, shone with miracles?
I am unwilling to divine. If so long had lived Cajetanus,
that to write he could have the Life, to the work on the Acts of the Sicilian Saints,
which posthumous at last into public came forth, to be inserted,
together with the accustomed Annotations; we should know perhaps
what cause moved him to Aloysius' memory on one or
the other day to note. We chose however this XI of May before
the day VIII, because we hoped, before at least than that day
was finished by the press, the work, for so many now years awaited of the Reverend Father
Daniel of the Virgin Mary about to come into light, whence still
something we could learn: but this also convenience
denied to us and to the printer the importunity of those, who
against the express Author's will, wished to it, as
a notable complement, to be added at the foot, by which now to be recast
it for that end I said, the part second of the Armamentarium.

[38] [his Relics at Trapani.] I conclude therefore this previous Commentary, with the indication
of certain Relics of B. Aloysius, found in
Rocchus Pirrus: who under the title Mount of Drepanum, where
he treats of the Convent of the Annunciation there; It is decorated, he says,
chiefly with Relics… of the leg of B. Aloysius Rabata,
by the effort of the Doctor of both laws Leonard Palazolo, in the year
MDCXX, on the XXVI of August, from Randazzo hither translated.
Under the title moreover Drepanum the City, praising of the Carmelites
the most celebrated and magnificent monastery and its
most illustrious temple of the Annunciation, among the Relics
there kept he recounts, the Jaw of B. Aloysius
the Carmelite; likewise of the same the arm, which from
the Brethren of Randazzo received Master Basil Cavaretta,
in the year MDCXL, while a President in the Province of S. Albert
he acted.

[ANNOTATION]

* Gregory 13 in the [bull] Beginning "Ascending to the Lord," after Boniface 8.

VIRTUES AND MIRACLES

from the Processes in the year 1553 and 1573 formed.

Aloysius Rabata, a Carmelite of Randazzo in Sicily (B.)

FROM THE PROCESSES

CHAPTER I.

The life, death, and cult of B. Aloysius.

[1] [A man of a holy life,] The Honorable John de Junta of the land of Randazzo,
of age of years ninety and over,
V of May of the VI Indiction MDXXXIII, said himself to know,
that in the convent of S. Michael of the Order of the Carmelites
dwelt the late Venerable Brother Aloysius
Rabata: whom the very witness in his time knew: and
he knows that the aforesaid Venerable had then an age
between the years fifty and sixty middle:
and he was a most venerable person, ordained a Presbyter,
Mass saying [a], peacefully and most patiently living
in all sanctity. The Witness II of years LXX, who
the aforesaid Aloysius as a young man had known, adds that he was said
born at Drepanum [b], and was of the Convent already named
the Prior. The Witness III of years LXXVI or IX, known
to himself Aloysius said, when he, as much as the very witness
remembered, stood between the sixtieth and seventieth
year; and adds that public was through
the land of Randazzo a fame of him, his life most virtuous,
and to the norm and exemplar of the Saints exact
to be. The Witness IV of years LXIII affirms, that wont
he was on bread and water to fast: [and on bread alone to feed wont,] and when on a certain day
of Easter the convent of Brethren ate flesh;
he himself the wonted of his abstinence tenor followed,
as to the very witness revealed Brother Peter Capuani, the companion
of Brother Aloysius. And on account of this of life austerity
in body he was dried-up, and in face decently pale and
with eyes inward drawn, and a good example to all
who him visited: of whom one the very witness, to go to
him frequently and familiarly wont, nor rarely to
tears to be moved by the holy of him words and examples.
Finally a widow a certain of years LXXX, the Witness VII
asserted, that Brother Aloysius, in every week wont
twice to come to her once husband's house, by examples
and words best the household edified; nothing
of vain glory displaying, but at single things almost saying,
To God's praise, this be.

[2] [he excels in patience of injuries,] His humility moreover and patience more distinctly
about to prove the Witness IV, says, that on account of his great virtue
and goodness to the Brethren not a few odious
he was; by whom although he was ill treated, their vices
however with much tolerance he bore, uniquely
intent on of all the convenience and utility: by which it was done
that the Priorate he administered as one of them,
nothing from it to himself arrogating, but weekly
he went around through the land of Randazzo alms asking
to relieve of that convent the poverty: but because
he was toward the poor merciful very, were wont
of them some him to follow, that participants they might become
of the loaves, which to him were offered. Nor to these only bestowed
the blessed man, but to any met poor and of necessity
having, says the Witness I, a benefit with good words
heaping, with the greatest love and benevolence;
and he said: Go, and for God's love yourselves sustain.
Nay it happened sometime, says the Witness II, that the day past
nothing for his own sustenance he brought back
to the convent, [by liberality toward the poor,] the loaves to one all among the poor
distributed. But since also of the Confessor's office
he discharged, says the same Witness II, confessed to him
a certain one a damage of those things to a certain Master
Amico Picchiuni a Cloth-shearer; who when to repair the damage
that he could not, by poverty hindered, the very
Venerable man came to the said Master Amico supplicating
that the thing unjustly taken away to remit to that his penitent
he would wish. Which when to do refused Amico,
returned Aloysius through fifteen continuous days, with rainy
although and snowy weather, to the workshop of Master
Amico, again and again supplicating, that to the honor of God
he would remit to that poor man the thing taken away, and with weeping
eyes saying: Master Amico, [by charity toward penitents,] if that poor man has not
whence he may repair the damage, dost thou wish to be the cause why
dying he be eternally damned? These observing of the neighbors
some, among whom also the very witness was,
Master Amico asked, what cause it was on account
of which with rainy and snowy weather so often to him
came the Prior of the Carmelites, trembling for cold
contracted on the way, which was a thousand paces. Answered
indeed Master Amico to the very Witness and others asking,
Said to me the Prior, that someone to him confessed
has of a theft to me done, and because to restore it he cannot,
he wishes and beseeches for God's love, that to him I remit
the debt; and he was so troublesome daily before
me by weeping, that I was compelled to him to obey.

[3] [by meekness toward the revilers.] But let us return to the first Witness, who his deposition
thus pursues, the notable of Aloysius meekness
declaring. On a certain day Randazzo going around
Brother Aloysius, of alms for the Paschal taper to be sought
for the sake, struck against a man Yessi by name,
who indignant and bidding that to the devil he should go,
many revilings heaped: to which nothing else answered
the man most patient, than; Peace, peace
have, son; do not quarrel, do not wrangle I beseech: dost thou wish to thee
from these which I have collected moneys I give something?
Do not be angry, son, do not cry out for God's love. At another time
when Sisters certain of his Order to him reviling,
mad-headed [c], idle, a cock-bird called him;
with the greatest humility and patience answering
he said, Such to be I wish: and all for God's love
suffering little, he made of words however much
injurious. The same, but with fewer words affirmed the Witness III.

[4] [The way to the convent he paves with his hand,] Further since through the way [d] of Lautarellum from the town
to the convent the journey was, oblique indeed and inconvenient;
and on that occasion equally as in other similar
ways frequent scandals were offered to women that way
passing; another for himself from the gate of Xarotta even
to the convent, broad and straight, so that from
end to end a free might lie open prospect, to be made
undertook Brother Aloysius; much laboring in summer
and in winter in conveying the material, and stones
on his back to be brought, no other indulging to himself
rest, than which to Mass and the sacred Office
there was need. Of the same way thus narrow the aforepraised all
Witnesses speak: but the Witness II more expressly says, this way
new, to have been drawn between the old two, of which one, as
above said, of Lautarellum was called, the other proceeded from
the gate of S. Julian: nor this only by him to have been done he says, the lands
to it necessary by entreaty obtained, partly also (as
speaks the Witness VII) by money begged bought up: but
also the enlarged plain before the church and convent:
which also the Witness VII asserted. The Witness indeed IV,
exaggerating the complaints of the women, through the way of Lautarellum
suffering many things, which to modesty and honesty were adverse; [by others' also work and alms.]
of which then nothing was heard: not
the very Brother Aloysius alone in this to have labored said, but
also to entreat wont others to the work to confer their effort:
and so great to have been his esteem in the people,
that whoever either for this or for another cause by
him was asked to some benefit to the convent to confer,
there was no one from whom he suffered a repulse, but
each one strove with of the same to obey desire.

[5] A work besides for the building to be promoted of money
there was, which he, says the Witness I, through farms and villages
going around while he sought, and through
the way of Brontes [e] called returns, falling upon
him a certain one, by wrath kindled, because of some the vices
freely he chastised, a blow [f] to his head dealt, whence
for many days sick he lay: [gravely hurt in the forehead,] then from the bed
to rise somehow able, he ministered to the church for some time.
But since some adjured him
that of the blow the author he should indicate, with great patience
he denied anyone by him could be named: but;
I fell, he said, which to God's glory be. The physician
moreover said, that wound not from a fall, but from a stroke
to be. Nay even there was named a certain John
Antonius Catalucchi, who had a brother
in the convent a monk, at whose persuasion that
he had done it, as of a most wicked man and a worst
monk: but denied this Aloysius, and said;
But to God's glory this be: because this wound
by God's love I received when I fell; nor other have I
that I may answer. [he refused to indicate the author,] The Witness II to the forehead the dealt blow
said, and from it from the mule on which he rode cast down
the holy man: and to this attests the Witness III, and
adds, as also the Witness IV, that the striker's name with a silence
constant pressing sometime he said; Were it
whoever wished, may pardon to him the sin God, and that to his praise may turn. Finally that Widow,
who in the seventh place testimony said, to her husband the same
asking expressly also to have answered Aloysius
asserts; I know not who it was: I did not know him: may pardon
to him God. And when she him on the bed lying
with her mother-in-law twice had visited, she says always to have found him
most patiently sustaining the pains thence to him coming.

[6] About one [g] after these about a year, says the Witness I,
grew worse the wound into a carcinoma, [and a year after he dies] and again compelled the man
holy was on the bed to lie. In which state when him
visited women some [h] little cakes and other of the sick
solaces brought, Not these to us, he said, necessary
are; not indeed: one thing of you for God's love I beseech,
that since tomorrow is the day Saturday, to be present you will,
for then I shall die. They indeed faith to his words applying,
the next day to the sick man to visit returned: when
he to them again said, that he wished this life to finish
and to pass to another better. These women
were the aforesaid widow with her mother-in-law, [on the day Saturday.] of whom the former
the same asserted, more distinctly adding, said to her to have been:
Prepare for me a candle kindled [i] and a sponge, because
tomorrow, tomorrow morning, my life I shall finish; and at the same in which he had said
hour to have died. But since so great commonly was of
the sanctity of the deceased opinion, says his deposition
pursuing the Witness I, the Brethren and other devout seculars
judged him not to be buried in the common
of the Brethren monument: but the body [k] in a bier
enclosed they placed in a certain of the very church place;
where as long as [l] it stood no of itself it emitted stench: [Shining with miracles the body]
which itself by experience proper true to have found
he says. There began moreover, divulged of this miracle
the fame, to the very holy body to be visited devoutly
to run together many, who with catarrhs or quartan
fevers labored, who touched the sarcophagus were healed
of their infirmities.

[7] Among these came also the Noble once Roger
Romæus, from a certain (as it was said) stroke
in both eyes gravely laboring: who
when at the first of the coffin touch felt, of one
eye the use to himself restored; by it and other things which he saw
miracles moved, an ark [n] to be made ordered, in which
the very holy body more decently might be kept; and it
honorably covered under the high altar [o]
to be placed, with a lattice iron prefixed; just as
to see it is even to the present day; [under the altar it is placed.] coming to
the place itself to be visited daily the sick, and of the hoped
health the grace frequently obtaining from God through
the intercession of the said Brother Aloysius. Of the cause of knowledge
asked, he said to know the premised, by the manner that
above are said, because he was present, saw, and heard, as
above: of place and time, as above. In the margin moreover
of the authentic very Instrument is added; Read to him
he confirmed. And by this both clause, and the marginal
affirmation, are strengthened of all the other Witnesses the assertions,
which by two thenceforth Chapters I will pursue, in that in which
they were brought forth order, the premised of single ones names; and
those only points being passed over, which here we mixed to the deposition
of the first Witness, lest the same more often to repeat it should behoove.

[8] [many by his water taken are healed.] Hither however and to the general notice of miracles
makes, that, as says the Witness III, are wont the sick help
asking to be placed before the aforesaid altar, and to be given to drink
water, by the washing of the bones of Brother Aloysius sanctified,
whence so frequent they receive graces, that no one from
the hour of his death even to the present to doubt
has presumed, that a man truly holy he was, and
his body as of a Saint to be honored has esteemed. And
again he said, that the convent, which while he was living
most least was and as if none, after the death
of the same into that, which now is beheld, has grown amplitude,
running together to the church at any
morning time, nay at any hour, men and women
of every condition and age. Nor light, [an image miraculously painted is found.] the same
Witness III affirming, of the obtained by Aloysius
beatitude eternal a testimony it was, that again
he said, to know from the saying and fame public through the town
of Randazzo, that when was painted on the wall
the image of S. Mary of Mount Carmel, in that where now
is place, together with the images of other Saints
[p] there expressed, the work finished, miraculously appeared
the head of Brother Aloysius, from so long a time dead,
among the same images: which all so were placed,
that the face turned they had toward the image
of the Mother of God: but that face which was said to be of Brother Aloysius,
with a hand and finger demonstrating the forehead in
which the blow he had received, turned was to the aforesaid image.
At that moreover time, in which was seen a thing so prodigious,
much was of the same among the townsmen discourse,
and many came to see.

ANNOTATIONS.















p. Rocchus Pirrus: By an Angelic hand painted among the images of B. Mary of Mount Carmel and other Saints of the Religion it is beheld, so that he seems to signify, it there so still to be extant; which I would prefer of this Witness by the words confirmed to find for the year 1533. For if that miracle had endured so long, it seems by several to have been to be commemorated: but now speaking the very Witness of that time in which the thing was seen, he seems to hint that to be seen it long ago ceased: and the same confirms of Leoindelicatus, the same in the year 1600 narrating, the silence: who however of another image elsewhere painted mentions, as by himself seen.

CHAPTER II.

The miraculous cures in the first Process attested.

[9] [After the 4 first having spoken in general] The Venerable Presbyter Matthew Ivitta, Judge
of the Court of the Reverend Lord Archpriest of the city
of Randazzo, the Witness II sworn and interrogated,… himself
also from a tertian fever through Brother Aloysius, after
he had been buried, to have been cured affirmed, on the same on which the I Witness day. Master Salimbenius Ruffo, of the land of Randazzo, the Witness III on the day XIX of May, of the cured fevers and other diseases, in that which above we said manner having spoken, in common, no in particular example brought. The Honorable Master Matthew Manueli of the land of
Randazzo, the Witness IV, on the same day similarly content was,
at the article about the miracles, in general to have answered, them even
to the present day to be continued.

[10] [there is indicated cured a quartan perilous,] The Honorable Leonora de Mistretta of the land of Randazzo,
the Witness V, sworn and interrogated, on the day XXIII of May,
of the VI Indiction, MDXXXIII, said to know, that still
in a girlish age with her mother dwelling, she fell into a quartan
so grave, that into dropsy about to decline it was believed;
and when so far had proceeded the malady, that daily
she was thought about to die, despairing of life to her to be saved
the physicians; her mother, who with the greatest devotion
was borne toward the body of the Venerable Brother Aloysius, brought the very
witness into the church of the Carmelites of the land of Randazzo,
and there placed her before the high altar: where the Brethren
to her gave to drink water, with which they had washed the bones
of the holy body: and continually the witness herself from all
convalesced infirmity. Again she said, that when a certain
little youth, committed to the discipline of the Venerable
Presbyter Simon of Palermo, labored with a catarrh,
and her son so ill having bewailed the mother, said
to her the very Witness: What if we go, and him carry to
the church of S. Michael, where is the body of Brother Aloysius, toward
whom a great we have devotion? Nor delay: [and a catarrh:]
brought him before the major altar of the said church, where is
the aforesaid body, they gave him to drink water offered by the Brethren:
he indeed a small time there remaining, wholly free
from the disease was: as also other several boys, whom the very
Witness knew from a catarrh and a quartan to have been cured.

[11] [likewise a fever] On the same day the Honorable Mansueta lo Maligno, relict
of the late Master Thomas lo Maligno, of the land of Randazzo,
the Witness VI, said only herself to know, that when
a daughter of hers a certain from a fever lay sick, the received
of Confession, Communion, and extreme Unction
Sacraments despaired of by the physicians, and the broken
as in death eyes toward the wall to turn; the very
Witness toward the body of the said Brother Aloysius piously affected asked
the Venerable Brother Michael Paxumi and Brother Hieronymus
Miliatum there present, that to the dying woman they would aid
with the brought of Brother Aloysius relics. They brought a rib
and a jaw, which they said to be of Brother Aloysius: and them
dipping in water, the very water to drink they offered
to the said girl: [and a quartan:] who soon as she tasted, opened her eyes,
and gradually to herself was restored, and from the said infirmity
loosed. Again she said, that having a son with a quartan
afflicted, him she carried to the church of S. Mary of
Carmel, and before the major altar placed a similar
water she offered, having followed which was desired effect of cure.
Interrogated about the time, she said: There are many years
elapsed.

[12] On the day V of June the Magnificent Joanna Zimbali, relict
of the late Magnificent Thomas Zimbali, [a pain of the kidneys:] of the land of Randazzo,
the Witness VII, of years LXXX a little more or less,
best known having the late Brother Aloysius, said …
that he being dead, to the Venerable Sister Seraphina, a Nun
of the Venerable monastery of S. Bartholomew of the Order of S. Benedict,
of the very Witness the daughter, a grave pain of the kidneys happened,
whence in the same grew two swellings, like
two loaves, with so great of body weakness, that herself she could not
raise from the bed, nor the physicians anything by curing
profit. And so the Magnificent late Thomas and the very
Witness, the father and mother of the said Sister Seraphina, under the armpits
taken brought her to the Carmelite church,
before the major altar of the said church, under which was and even
now is the body of the said Brother Aloysius, on account of the great devotion
with which toward him they were affected, because publicly
and generally then it was said, that he did miracles
greatest, and very many and diverse infirmities cured.
There therefore they took care that a Mass be said in that very morning,
and the said Sister Seraphina they placed before the aforesaid altar.
And when in that place together all the whole day had remained
even to the hour XXII, began to be better Sister
Seraphina: and her whom grievously under the armpits seized into
the already said church they had brought, home returning they led
by the hand, asserting Seraphina health to herself
to be restored. So into her brought monastery, the next
morning she bade to herself to be called the very Witness mother
hers, fearing lest Sister Seraphina worse should have from
the violent of the day preceding motion toward the said church.
When therefore to the daughter's cell she had betaken herself, to her asking
how she was, answered Sister Seraphina: Lady,
sound I am and best I am. From which words the greatest
consolation drawing the very Witness, to God and the said
Brother Aloysius gave thanks: but Sister Seraphina from
that day such infirmity any more has not experienced.
Again she said, that many hence years, after the death
of the said Brother Aloysius, she heard through the land of Randazzo publicly to be said,
that of every kind of diseases laboring were healed
before the said altar and the body of the said Brother Aloysius.

[13] On the same day the Honorable Peter Garagoczo of the land
of Randazzo, [a wound of the shin inveterate:] the Witness VIII, who the very Venerable Brother Aloysius
in the living knew, said to know, that when the Venerable Presbyter Nicholas
de Paterno, his shin with a great cleft had wounded;
and the very wound had procreated an abscess with frequent
spasms, the said Presbyter by great moved devotion, and
knowing that at the body of the said Brother Aloysius many health
had recovered, betook himself to the church of the Carmelites;
and before the altar himself placing, there remained for some
of time space: thence indeed from all the wound
healed himself felt, wherefore the habit of the Order
he asked and obtained: and in it persevered a long
time, in which often he was heard by the Randazzo inhabitants
universally to narrate the miracle in himself wrought. Of the cause
of knowledge interrogated, he said to know the premised true to be,
because he saw and knew the said Venerable Brother Aloysius while he was living,
and after his death he said to know from the saying and mouth
proper of the said Venerable Presbyter Nicholas.

[14] On the same day Becta Saytta of the land of Randazzo,
the Witness IX, said only to know, that when her mother still
was living and the very Witness little was, happened to the said
mother hers an infirmity in the kidneys so great, [Likewise a pain of the kidneys] that neither to rest
she could lying, nor to stand erect; but night and day
she lamented. Understanding therefore that the body of Brother
Aloysius, being under the major altar of the church of S. Mary
of Carmel, many from many infirmities cured;
she went out of the house, together with the very Witness; and step by step
crept to the said church, and placed herself before the altar,
and there remained a certain of time space: then indeed returned
home she had well; nor thenceforth such
anything suffered, as was wont the very of the very witness mother
everywhere and gratefully to narrate to the Randazzo inhabitants, to a miracle
the deed ascribing. The Witness indeed, interrogated about the time,
from years thirty-six a little more or less the thing
done said.

[15] On the same day the Honorable Thadæa de Palermo of the land
of Randazzo, the Witness X, said only to know, [and a palsy.] that from years
twenty or twenty-one a little son a certain of hers Francis,
between the third and fourth of his age year
constituted, suffered an infirmity in the sinews, kidneys,
and legs, such by which he was prevented himself from the bed
to raise. But since the very Witness had understood the body
of Brother Aloysius to do miracles, and of many many diseases
to heal, from devotion toward the said body, which was and
is in an ark under the major altar of the church of S. Mary of
Carmel; taken between her arms the little one she brought
thither, and before the said altar set: where he soon sleeping,
the sleep prolonged to one or two about
hours; and then awakened, raised himself on his feet,
and by the hand to be led offered now wholly strong;
and sound persevered in the same, which even now he enjoys,
of body habitude. Thus far the Witnesses in the year MDXXXIII
of the Indiction VI, from the day V of May even to the V of June inclusive, [Of the copies of these transcribed the faith authentic.]
received and examined by the Court of the Reverend Lord Archpriest
of the land of Randazzo, at the letters of the most Reverend
Lord Archbishop of Messina (was this Antony a Lignamine)
at the petition of the Reverend Prior of S. Michael of the Order
of the Carmelites of the land of Randazzo, to inform
about the life, fame, good manners, signs, both in the time of life
as after death of the late Venerable Brother Aloysius Rabata, of
the city of Mount S. Julian or of Drepanum, a Brother of the aforesaid
Convent and Order of S. Mary of Mount Carmel:
and this by the mandate of the Lord Judge of the Court of the Reverend Lord Archpriest
of the land of Randazzo: of which Witnesses the sayings from
the writings of the devout Convent aforesaid, being with
the Notary Joseph Pandolfo, the master Notary
of the said convent transcribed, collated with
the original the already named Notary, whom the aforesaid Office
to exercise, the University of the city of Randazzo faith
made to all whom it concerns through an Instrument, given
in the aforesaid city of Randazzo on the day twenty-four
of January, of the III Indiction, MDCV; subscribing

✠ Don Francis Romano I.

✠ Paul Oliveri I.

CHAPTER III.

The miracles in the second Process noted.

[16] That first Process formed, not so ceased the business
of soliciting at the Apostolic See canonization,
that at the same time also was lulled of Brother Aloysius the cult;
nay rather it began an increment among the Randazzo people. For
he who in the year MDXXXIII by no other than Brother Aloysius, or as the highest
by the Venerable Brother title was called, [In the year 1573 those supplicating] began
with full mouth Blessed to be named: as appears from the second
Process, to which on the day XX of August, of the I Indiction MDLXXIII
a beginning was given by a supplicatory little book offered to the most Illustrious
and most Reverend Lord Archbishop of Messina (who by the testimony of Rocchus Pirrus from the year MDLXIX to MDLXXII was
John de Retana of Cantabria) but of the little book, in the Sicilian tongue
written, here was the tenor: On the part of the Venerable Prior and Brethren
of the Carmelite convent of this city, humbly
supplicating it is signified to his most Illustrious Lordship,
that in the said Convent is found a certain venerable
body, named of B. Aloysius, at which
because many miraculous signs are done, from many back
years moved were the Superiors of the said Convent, that
of them informations to be taken they should care. Now moreover
since to themselves by their Provincial it is commanded, that again
other new be taken through which may be established of the truth of the miracles;
they have recourse to your most Illustrious Lordship,
that with its license and intervention of religious
and prudent persons they may be able to receive the said
informations, [it is permitted new informations to be cared.] according to the mandate of their already said Provincial:
that, after it shall have been proved true
to be the miracles, they may be able to have recourse to his Majesty,
to duly venerate the aforesaid Relics. This moreover
(besides that it redounds to the honor of God
our Lord, who is wonderful in His Saints, and to
this city's adornment) they will esteem for a most singular
grace. So they, not as this cause, which purely ecclesiastical
is, about to subject to the arbitration of the Royal Majesty, as to sound
seem the words; but its intervention about to demand, that from
the Apostolic See of this kind veneration be obtained; or rather
of the veneration by ancient use already received the confirmation and amplification.
But soon it was provided that be taken
the informations: [from which begun on the 19th of November] and on the day XIX of November, of the II Indiction
(begun namely in September preceding) MDLXXIII received
were at Randazzo and examined the Witnesses by the Court
Archiepiscopal of the city of Randazzo, by the mandate
of the most Illustrious and most Reverend Lord Archbishop of Messina
(as is to be seen on the back of the Supplication decreed
on the day XX of August of the I Indiction MDLXXIII) and by the
mandate of the Magnificent and Reverend Lord Archpriest of the city
of Randazzo, at the instance of the Reverend Father Brother Seraphinus Mancuso,
Vicar of the Venerable convent of S. Mary of Mount Carmel,
and also of the Reverend Brother Hieronymus Stancamplano, to
inform whom it concerns.

[17] The Reverend Brother Hieronymus Stancamplano, of the city
of Randazzo, a known Witness, sworn the breast touched in the manner
Sacerdotal, [it was established about a freed energumen,] and interrogated upon the whole fact and below
written, said only to know, how when the very Witness
was Prior of the venerable Convent of S. Mary of Carmel of the said
city, John Antony lo Vigneri and other certain
youths brought Raymunda lo Vigneri,
the mother of the very John Antony, who was an energumen;
nor could they her, mouth foaming, and with vociferation
diabolic all things disturbing, and with strength
more than human against striving, lead into the church,
except with the greatest violence. But while so
she was led within the chapel of the very B. Mary of Carmel;
the very Witness, as Prior, began before the said
Raymunda to read the four Gospels. But reciting
he the Gospel of S. Mark, where is said; Reclining
the eleven disciples; and the forehead of Raymunda
signing with the relics of B. Aloysius; fell she, and as
dead through a little while lay: then she rose
sound, to God thanks and to B. Aloysius giving; and home
her returned, with so serene a mind, as if never by a demon
possessed she had been. To this moreover miracle present
were the Reverend Brother Philip de Giglia, the Spectable
Don Francis Riolus, and others many, of whom the very
Witness no more recollects: who also the Witness, equally
as the prior all and these following, according to what is noted
in the margin, the read to himself confirmed, and added finishing,
that many frigoretics and quartanarians or otherwise infirm,
to the said church coming, were freed.

[18] On the same day the Reverend Presbyter Joseph Malaponti
of the city of Randazzo… said only to know, how
before years about thirty-five laboring with a catarrh,
he went to the church of S. Mary of Carmel, [a catarrh cured in various ones the same day this attesting:] and there
placed himself before the ark, in which was laid up the body
of B. Aloysius, with much devotion. The Brethren moreover
of the very Convent blessed water, dipping
in it a relic of B. Aloysius: which when he had drunk, free
himself experiencing, home he returned, nor inconvenience
that any more felt. From the fame moreover public he knew
several infirm thither so to have come, and health
to have brought back. The Honorable Master Augustine Forti Acanuxiri, of
the city of Randazzo… said to know only, how from
years about fifteen by the same disease seized, in the same
manner in which the prior healed was, as also of others many by report
the indicator he knew. So also the Honorable Master Gilius Malaponti
of the city of Randazzo… said only to know how in the year
just past, the same which the prior two did and
experienced: and somewhat of the very water with himself taking,
he gave to a certain nephew of his; who the same in like manner
with devotion receiving from the same malady was cured.
Finally the Honorable Master Albert Caldararus, of the city
of Randazzo, of years LXV, said only to know, how
from his predecessors he understood, how B. Aloysius
was a man of a holy life: and that from years about forty
by a frigoretic seized malady, by the same wholly
medicine by which others healed he was, nor such anything afterward
suffered.

[19] On the day XX of November of the II Indiction MDLXXIII
the Honorable Master Michael Ficarra, [just as others on the 20th of Nov. said of a deadly disease,] of the city of Randazzo …
said to know how fixed to the bed, in the month of September
just past, and already half-dead, visited
was by the Brethren of the convent of S. Mary of Carmel of this
city, bringing to him the Relics of B. Aloysius;
by whose washing when they had consecrated water, this
to the very Witness devoutly to be drunk they gave: and that from
it tasted better soon having he rose from the bed.
The same grace in the very Carmelite church, at of the same
water similarly blessed a draught, immediately to have received himself
said the Honorable Master Antony Messana of the city of Randazzo,
before years thirteen a quartan so grave
having suffered, that death to himself from it he feared. [and fevers cured.] Likewise the Honorable Ursula
de Palermo of the city of Randazzo, just past
days a fever tertian having sustained. And at length
the Honorable Master Aloysius la Porta, dwelling of the city of Randazzo,
in this very year with fevers tertian having struggled.

[20] On the day XXII of November the Honorable John Antony
Burdunaro, otherwise lo Vigneri, of the city of Randazzo: and
on the XXIII of November Johanella Russo his sister attested,
how before years about seven their mother, by a
spirit malign possessed, was freed, just as
her exorcist the Reverend Father Hieronymus Stancamplano above
narrated no. 17. On the same day XXIII of November the Honorable
Master Francis Domenedo, and on the day XXIV the Magnificent
Joseph Manueli, both of the city of Randazzo, [similarly on the 23rd of Nov.] said
only to know, how in the year just preceding, the former
with a tertian; in the month moreover of August recently past, the latter
with a quartan laboring, were freed by coming to the church
of S. Mary of Carmel, and by drinking water, there to themselves
with the Relics of B. Aloysius blessed. And these
also all, from the Writings of the Convent of Randazzo transcribed,
the same who above Notary Joseph Pandolfus collated,
the faith of his Notariate making the University of the City
as above, on the day XXVI of January, of the III Indiction
MDCV. There is extant this of both Process copy in the Roman Archive
of the convent of the Fathers Carmelites of S. Mary Transpontine;
whence a new copy transcribed, and with the authentic
copy aforesaid collated, it through all things consonant
to be attesting, at Rome on the day XXI of October MDCLXXIII
Brother Seraphinus of Jesus Mary Apostolic Notary,
it transmitted to Antwerp to the Reverend Father Daniel of the Virgin
Mary, on publishing the Saints of his Order the Acts then also
intent.

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