Ivo
Acta Sanctorum, May 20
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https://actasanctorum.org/may/day-20/ivo.html
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ON ST. IVO

BISHOP OF CHARTRES IN GAUL.

THE YEAR MCXV.

PREVIOUS COMMENTARY

On the Life more recently collected before his works: his cult, and epitaphs.

Ivo, Bishop of Chartres in Gaul (St.)

BY THE AUTHOR G. H.

The works of Ivo, oftener with types struck, most recently
recognized, and into two tomes distributed, offered
to James Lescot Bishop of Chartres John
Fronto, a Canon Regular, of sacred
Theology Professor in the monastery of St. Genevieve,
and in the Academy of Paris Chancellor, as he himself indicates
in the very old Roman Calendar by himself illustrated. [The Life by John Fronto written.] He,
after the aforesaid Dedication, subjoins the Life of St. Ivo,
from his writings and other old monuments composed:
which thence we give, in our manner into chapters and numbers distinguished,
and with marginal additions and Annotations
adorned. In this it is said, his last day he died in the year
MCXV, December XXIII. But because those days are impeded
with their proper Offices, for the preparation of the Nativity of Christ
to be recited: Pius V the Pontiff in a Bull of the year MDLXX, namely
for St. Ivo the Bishop to the Canons Regular
of the Lateran Congregation granted, that his feast-day
should be celebrated on this XX of May: when under a double rite all things
of him are performed also in the Gallican Congregation, and proper
to the second Nocturn are recited Lessons, but
which in the Life itself nearly are contained. That however thence I observe,
by Fronto omitted that there it is said to the most sacred
sacrifice of the Mass offering a globe of fire from his head
to flash, [The Ecclesiastical cult 20 May] or his head openly to cover he was seen. For the third
Nocturn the Lateran ones take the Gospel from the Common,
Watch because you know not. But in the Congregation
Gallican is read the Gospel of the Doctors, You are the
salt of the earth; and this is prescribed the Prayer, O God, who Thy Church
of Blessed Ivo the Confessor and Pontiff
to illustrate hast deigned with merits and doctrines; grant,
that by his intercession with spiritual always
it be fortified helps, and with joys may enjoy eternal.
Other by others are indicated Prayers to be recited. They mentioned
him on the same XX of May, Molanus, Ferrarius,
Saussay, and the day before Ghinius: because on that day is celebrated the feast
in the Congregation of St. Salvator.

[2] In the old Calendar of the Church of St. John of Chartres
in the Valley, in these words his memory is celebrated: On the tenth
Kalends of January, [Memory on account of benefits in the Church of St. John in the Valley.] in the year from the Incarnation
one thousand one hundred fifteenth, died of good
memory Ivo Bishop of Chartres, who the Canons
Regular Order in this Church constituted,
and the same with his things enlarged, giving for the Brothers'
uses the Church of St. Faith, the Church of St. Stephen with
the things to it pertaining, the Church of Luciacum,
the Church of Pontegodanum, and the land beyond the pond,
thirty also volumes of his books, and many
others. In the Calendar of St. Quentin of Beauvais, these in
particular are related: [and of St. Quentin of Beauvais.] The first Abbot of this Church, afterward Bishop of Chartres, gave us thirty
volumes, chalices four, a golden text,
and gilded four, the right hand of Bl. Calixtus the Pope,
two silver thuribles. But of this Church's foundation
and dedication at large is treated in the Life of St. Romana the Virgin
and Martyr of Beauvais, October VIII to be given.
From the Martyrology of the Church of Chartres these we select. Ivo
of this Most Sacred See the Prelate, a man of great religion,
of Ecclesiastical and secular affairs
most prudent, [and of the Cathedral Church.] mild of address, in patience notable, in chastity excelling, and as much in divine as in philosophy
most learned. Who six good palls, and seven copes,
and three mitres, and three tapestries for the adornment of this Church
contributed. A book of Masses and Epistles
and a text of the Gospels, and one Lectionary
for matins he gave, and all with silver he furnished. A pulpit
of wondrous beauty he constructed: schools he made: a house
Episcopal beautiful and of stone from the foundation
he refashioned: and with all to it pertaining,
whether movable or immovable, from a handmaid free
he rendered it, and the liberty itself by the stipulation
of privileges both of the Roman See and of the King and of the Count,
which in the archives of this Church are held, he confirmed.
A certain land also contiguous to the same
house, for the amplitude of the house itself, from the Vicedominus
he acquired and with a wall enclosed. At Pont-Gaudin
other houses for Episcopal uses he built,
and the same with villas in many things he improved … All the diminished
holdings of this Church and the precarious ones, into common
uses he reduced, and them in future to persons
to be distributed both by his own and by Apostolic privilege he forbade.
Forced labors and unjust exactions, and depraved of the servants
detentions, to be done through the Provostries by the same
privileges he prohibited. To augment the tablet
of the altar the same dying a hundred measures of wine left,
and in several other things to his Church and his Clerics
many good things he did. Thus far that.

[3] His Epitaph in an old parchment of Brisson and
from Tavelli's manuscript in Severtius, [One epitaph,] is of this kind.
In mind, hand, tongue, doctrine, the body's use,
Prudent, munificent, affable, useful, guiltless,
A firm column of the Lord's house, which by a salutary right
He cherished, fortified, instructed, continually increased,
By counsel, by writings, by what order it should live, by things.
Whose help freely the sick, the substance the needy felt,
Of this city the chief to be remembered Bishop Ivo,
Here this urn awaits the coming of the Judge.

[4] Philip of the Almonry Abbot of Bonne-Espérance, another for him
Epitaph wrote. [another,]
Affection rendered him a Father, doctrine a Master,
      The Rule a Canon, and the Grade a Pontiff.
Famous probity, humble nature, venerable
      A serene life, an old long one, a chaste sacred one.
The Prelate dead his things to take was the custom once
      Of the Prince, this custom of the Prince Ivo bought off.
His help the hurt, the people his teachings, the bridle the tyrant,
      The needy felt his wealth, for the flock the vows God.

[5] Another bring forth the Sammarthani, which is of this kind.
Of the Prelate Ivo the body lies here buried,
      Whose honor knocks at either threshold of the pole. [a third,]
Of law here the Prelate, the Decrees of the sacred Canons,
      He read through, the doctrines of the laws giving more briefly.
The mystic Sacred things elsewhere are given, O King, than to thee at Reims:
      And thy counsellor, O King, called he departs.
Him takes Hugh the Count, the walls of Chartres attempting;
      Whom the pious people redeem at expenses innumerable.
With his money and his work he renewed the Prelate's church,
      He confirms John's, which lies low, the Abbey.
And the Deanery of Andrew he formed and increased:
      Thee leading is made of Mary the pulpit of the Church.
The foundations of the place he laid of Belli-Prioratus,
      Here of Magdalene he prepares the Church.
Twenty years and two without crime the See
      He ruled, with upright morals and faith.

LIFE

By the Author John Fronto,
Chancellor of the Academy of Paris, Canon Regular of St. Genevieve.

Ivo, Bishop of Chartres in Gaul (St.)

BY JOHN FRONTO.

CHAPTER I.

Birth, studies, election as Abbot and Bishop.

[1] [Sprung of a noble stock] Among those, who by the name of Ivo in Gaul were called,
far above all excelled Ivo of Chartres.
He in the territory of Beauvais born, from noble a blood
de Altoylo, and a mother Hilemburgis called. [under Bl. Lanfranc he studies:]
An adolescent in the more humane letters imbued, and in
philosophy versed, with Lanfranc the Doctor, b Abbot
of Bec, to sacred Theology effort he gave in the monastery of Bec: which also he himself taught in age made more advanced.

[2] But when seriously to the Fathers' and Councils'
reading he applied himself, [he is set over the monastery of St. Quentin of Beauvais] and from diverse the Ecclesiastical Decrees
he heaped; to him indignant that with so great intervals
absent were from their canon the Canons, conveniently was present
Guido of Beauvais. He once at Augusta of the
Veromandui in the Church of St. Quentin Dean,
of Caesaromagus of the Bellovaci made Bishop, in
memory of St. Quentin a monastery constructed;
and estates granted Canons there constituted in the year
one thousand seventy-eighth. Over these set Ivo,
the monastery with his paternal possessions enlarged, and that
it with all help he might aid, with himself, laws to that end made,
the regular life introduced, a man of the Canons most skilled,
and of their observance with zeal most ardent. There were
indeed already of old Canons regular everywhere in
Gaul, and in other provinces. Long it is since c Chrodegang
for all a Rule Louis the Pious took care to be published,
by the work of Amalarius the Deacon, and sent into individual
provinces to be observed: in which, e for the greatest part,
Chrodegang's rule is contained. But by the lapse
of time when relaxed had been the discipline, for it again to be restored
many labored: among whom Ivo's work
above all excelled. In the aforesaid monastery
he was over it years more or less fourteen, now its Prelate,
as in the privilege of Philip the King; now
Provost, as in the Bull of Gregory VII, now Abbot,
as oftener said. He without doubt while in holy leisure
he enjoyed, a Collection of Canons made, which afterward
into a f Compendium Hugh of Châlons reduced, and
the Pannomia or g Pannomica called. Besides
he taught logic: for it was the custom then, that of sacred Theology
the studies in the greatest monasteries flourished: nor
did that burden the Abbots themselves of the monasteries shun,
as before we saw in Lanfranc, here in Ivo
our one. But this office, which discharged Ivo,
was the cause, why in the most ancient monuments Master
and Doctor he is called. So great moreover was of that monastery
and of Ivo himself of piety and of canonical
observance the fame, that h many monasteries with Canons called thence
either were built or restored, and
from them celebrated some to the Episcopate came.

[3] Meanwhile of affairs sat at that time i over the Aitrici
of Chartres Gaufridus, whom when long ago Gregory
VII to Rome for simony had summoned, because there lacked
witnesses to so great a matter to prove, [he is elected Bishop of Chartres:] dismissed
his See to obtain he permitted. But Urban II
him again to himself delated, at length of many crimes
convicted, from his See moved, and with the Clergy and people
of Chartres, that for themselves our Ivo, in doctrine
and piety notable, they should choose, by his (as says k he himself)
admonitions effected. [ep. 40] To their vows not at once
yielded Ivo, of quiet a lover, nor gaping for dignities:
but, Philip the King ordering, to obey he was compelled. But
Richerius Archbishop of Sens, assenting
to him some of the Suffragans, neither to the election
to subscribe, nor on the elect his hands to impose would:
on this account that in the deposition of Gaufridus against his right
it had been acted, which to him pertained, as to the nearest
judge, his cause to discern and judge.
There acted long with prayers and solicitations with him
the Clergy and people of Chartres: but in vain themselves seeing,
they make, that Ivo Urban should approach: and he into
Italy having set out with the mind himself from those difficulties
to free, [consecrated by Urban II at Capua in the year 1092,] willing unwilling from him the χειροθεσίαν (laying-on of hands) at Capua,
at the ending of the year one thousand ninety-second, received. [ep. 2 & 8]
Thence grave discords between him and the aforesaid
Bishops: who the done to the Majesty of the King injury,
and the rights of Gaul by Ivo violated contending,
at Étampes gathered, Ivo to reject, and Gaufridus
to the See to restore attempt; with a zeal without doubt against
the innocent Ivo exerted, by no means however new, and
by many both before and after examples confirmed.
But on the contrary Ivo the Apostolic See to appeal, [after long oppositions he is admitted.]
the despised and violated its authority loudly to complain,
which is highest, and the very name of Religion accedes,
to yield all things is necessary. Wherefore Richerius himself, the use
of the Pall interdicted, Gaufridus again driven out, and to his See
Ivo constituted was. He what he did, narrate
his Epistles to the Sovereign Pontiffs, to Kings, to
Cardinals, Legates, Primates, Bishops, and men
of the first rank: narrate as many as by him even written
were histories. But while thence authority he defends,
thence virtue he cultivates, himself not only to Gaul, but
to the whole Church conspicuous he rendered. And indeed both
of these things he had need especially, both for resisting vices
nowhere not raging; and for enduring
the evils, which he himself by his zeal vehement, and of public
errors (if grave they are) by no means tolerating, upon
his own head drew.

ANNOTATIONS.


the Chronicle however of Bec it is said Lanfranc a Monk of Bec the schools
held, which the Prior continued: to whom in the year 1062 succeeded as Prior St.
Anselm.









CHAPTER II.

Things done concerning Philip I the King.

[4] Philip then King of Gaul, with the love of Bertrada taken,
her from Fulco Count of Anjou her husband
took away; [The nuptials of Philip I the King with Bertrada to attend he refuses.] or indeed her, from Fulco silently withdrawing herself,
to himself in matrimony joined: of the other Bishops
of Gaul conniving, others being silent (So prone
it is to the Majesty to comply, whithersoever it incline) others finally
from their Episcopate yielding, because they would not either a friend
or an angry have the King, against right acting. a
It is commanded to Ivo, that to Paris he should betake himself, the solemnity
of the nuptials about to attend. But to go he refuses: and what with voice,
what with letters to the King himself, to the Sovereign Pontiff, and to the Prelates
of Gaul written, this unlawful marriage constantly
he cries against: which to him of Philip and Bertrada the most hostile
hatred procured. But this hatred besides he had, by whom he did not even wish to be loved: but against him
he so tempered his ardor of spirit, that although he sharply
restrained his lust, yet in other matters he showed himself
obedient to the Royal Majesty, and most loving of his affairs
and indeed of the whole kingdom. He long avoided the King's sight,
and refused to come to the court, even when summoned:
lest, if he were present and kept silence, he might seem to favor;
but if he spoke against him, to offend the King. He did not indeed bear with impunity
that great freedom of speech of his. Nor were there lacking even among
the Prelates, those who accused him of headstrong contumacy,
while they themselves surrendered to base obsequiousness. But the King's
ministers, devoted to him through right and wrong, plundered Ivo's goods, [therefore he is afflicted and shut up in prison:]
intercepted the revenues of the Church, afflicted him in every way
and by every example, so that he had not even bread
to eat. But among others in this matter the chief part
was taken by Hugo, Lord of Le Puiset, Viscount of Chartres:
who, while he humors the King, and fawns upon adulterers or
even incestuous persons, throws our Ivo into prison;
and detains him long in a certain castle; that
he might break his spirit, were he not stronger than stone. For he stands
everywhere unconquered. And when it had come to his ears,
that the Primates of the city of Chartres and the citizens wished
to free him by arms, [b] he forbade it; nor did he wish to obtain liberty
redeemed by the blood and loss of his own people: a patience
altogether worthy of all praise, and in no respect unlike
the ancient defenders of the Church and most holy men.
And why should I not have made him equal to them, when [c] William
Abbot of Fécamp compared him, of like speech, to John and Elias?

[5] He would not have lacked all help, had there been another Ivo in Gaul,
[he acts on behalf of Bishop Hildebert, a captive:] who would act on his behalf against Hugo
the Viscount, as Ivo himself somewhat later acted
for [d] Hildebert of Le Mans against Count Rotrocus,
who had likewise shut him up in prison. For after
he had in vain employed prayers, anathema being pronounced he devoted him
with curses. Doing these things, the great man of great
souls could not avoid hostile slander, perpetually pursuing
those souls. And first of all there might perhaps not be
lacking someone who would think that he indulged too much in anger
and suspicion, who against the King provoked the indignation
and thunderbolt of the Supreme Pontiff.
But, although those seem to me to deserve well of Kings,
who try either to lessen or to wash away the stains rashly
impressed on their name; yet no one would dare to affirm Philip
in every respect innocent, nor could he have reasons enough to show
that Ivo was little favorable to him or his kingdom.

[6] As for what pertains to Philip, his deed was preceded
by examples and followed by them. Many indeed, not
however altogether similar, and which overwhelm his sin more
than they excuse it. [in the rebuke of the King,] For granted that
the divorce from Bertha is liable to no reproach
(which however ought to have been clear both to Ivo and others, so that
they would not call it into doubt) yet surely the marriage entered
with Bertrada; who had withdrawn herself from Fulco by no judgment
of the Church; and who by the same bond of consanguinity which
she could have alleged with Fulco, ought to have been deterred from
Philip; can in no way be excused. And to omit the [e] contemporary authors,
great men, eyewitnesses of the matters, who celebrate and praise Ivo
in a wonderful manner, [he is praised by contemporary authors,] so that there is no one
who has spoken against him in this matter, although he did not lack
enemies and accusers; Philip and Bertrada themselves,
when they received the absolution of the excommunication
from Lambert Bishop of Arras, acting in the place of the Roman
Pontiff, confessed [f] themselves guilty,
and promised that they would never thereafter come together in the presence
of Bishops, as I myself read in the
manuscript letter [g] of the same Lambert to Paschal
II the Supreme Pontiff. There were not lacking among
Princes and Prelates, those who flattered the King, namely
of the kind of those whose custom it is to praise all things of Princes,
honorable and dishonorable. For if there were any reason
in them, why do they not protest, while these and so many other things are done
in testimony of unlawful nuptials? Why do they not
defend the King's innocence either by hand or by voice? [while the others are silent,]
All things invite, O King: harassed innocence, examples,
Ivo's immoderate fervor, his license of accusing:
and yet they are silent, nor do they pronounce anything against Ivo.
But so many Bishops, gathered so often,
Cardinals, Legates, the Prince, do they see nothing, who with one
voice condemn the King's sin: but never excuse it,
or lessen or conceal it? But since Ivo
says that Philip promised Richard of Albano, Legate of the Supreme
Pontiff, that he would depart from Bertrada,
until the dispensation of the Roman Pontiff, which
happened in the year one thousand one hundred and second; and he himself
asks the Supreme Pontiff to be lenient with the King
and dispense; and it is certain from another source, that no dispensation
intervened, from the praised letter of Lambert;
it is a sign that those nuptials were inquired into again,
and that no place at all was found for a dispensation. [Epist. 144]

[7] I add, that neither did Ivo have whence he should be less well disposed
toward King Philip, since he knew himself bound
to him by many benefits. [he himself bound to the King.] Nor indeed does he deny it. He acknowledges
the dignity of Bishop received from him not once, on account of
which, if he suffered anything human and bore a mind like the common sort,
he ought to have assented to the King before all others and to his lust.
But even before he came to the Episcopate, he owed the greatest things
to the King. The monastery of S. Quentin having been built,
and religious Canons placed there, the King by a privilege granted both confirmed
the institution and the largesses made to him by royal authority.
Then, asked by Ivo, he sent a letter to the Canons
of S. Quentin among the Vermandois, in which
he asks that they grant a prebend to the Church of Beauvais of the same name
that Ivo ought to have respected Philip before all,
unless he were recalled from it by that which is higher
than human sense and Royal dignity.

ANNOTATA.









CHAPTER III.

Prudence and circumspection in conducting public affairs.

[8] Thence he made for himself many enemies, who
went about detracting from his name, both with Kings, and
with the Supreme Pontiffs. [a] Before Urban, his
spiritual father, being attacked by calumnies,
[On account of calumnies prepared to lay down the Episcopate] he wished to meet them by no other arguments
than by abdicating the Episcopate. But the Supreme
Pontiff forbade it, since the Episcopate had need of Ivo,
not Ivo of the Episcopate. But when Urban had
rushing for the worse; Ivo determined to betake himself to Rome, with the mind
of divesting himself of every burden: but understanding ambushes laid
for him among the Alps, he drew back his foot. Paschal
moreover the Supreme Pontiff, knowing what was in his mind,
ordered him to remain at his post. Yet he could not avoid
incurring even his indignation:
because, since he well knew how observance and adulation differ;
while he exhibits the former, he banishes the latter, and does not
always please.

[9] His Canons being accused of simony before [c] Richard Bishop of Albano,
Legate of the Holy Roman Church, he so defended them, [he excuses his own people of simony:]
he so repelled that crime, that he showed at the same time that the ministers
of the Supreme Pontiff were to be censured with the same crime; who
exact from Bishops, Abbots and others prices indeed
immense, under the appearance of repaying for little documents
and other trifles of that kind. It must indeed be confessed, that at that time and a little
before, the crime of simony had so grown ingrained in Clerics,
and the Supreme Pontiffs had so labored to extirpate it,
that whatever bore even a shadow of it before itself, came under suspicion.
But no one hurls a weapon,
who would willingly suffer the same to be hurled back against himself: and
to throw back the crime. Nor did Ivo do this, but ingenuously reported
what the Canons answered.

[10] Almost all acknowledge, that Ivo alone nearly
in that storm offered himself against the torrent
of overflowing vices. He it is who, that a man
of evil fame, John the Archdeacon, might not become Bishop of Orléans,
labors with all his might before Hugo of Lyon, the Legate of the Roman
Pontiff. [Epist. 66, ep. 87] He it is who resists Stephen
of Garlande, that he be not raised to the See of Beauvais.
And lest Gaul be ample enough for his virtue,
he it is who before Paschal II and Robert Count
of Meulan complains, that Ranulf Bishop of Durham
occupies the Church of Lisieux by a new
kind of invasion, [and incestuous nuptials are celebrated:] setting over it his sons still
boys, after the Jewish manner one to succeed the other. [epp. 154 & 157]
He it is who wrote once and again to Henry King of England,
both for many other reasons, and also that he should not bind
his daughter by incestuous nuptials. [epp. 55, 60, 87, 109 & 120] He it is who with the Supreme
Pontiffs, modestly however, expostulated the avarice
of the Legates who are called a Latere; and their importunate
appeals to the Apostolic See, of those who [he censures the avarice of the Legates:]
are bound by the sentence of their own Pastors.
Namely most observant of that See, he bore ill
that disparagement was everywhere cast upon it: [epp. 46, 250, & 259] whence he wished cut off
the handles of detractions as far as could be done.

[11] There flourished at that time Gauffridus Abbot
of Vendôme, a man indeed simple and good, between whom
and Ivo a friendship was knit. Yet he writes
to Paschal II that he suffers many things from the Bishop of Chartres,
namely our Ivo: and from the epistles of both [d] a certain rivalry
born between them may be seen, [he has a rivalry with Gauffridus of Vendôme] on account of
the Vendôme monastery being exempted from the power of the Bishops.
For this is the root, most fertile of like
discords from of old, even among
whatsoever men illustrious in sanctity and doctrine. And just as
no authority of even the most pious men could hitherto put an end to it; so neither did it seem to harm at all the integrity
and sanctity of either party in dispute. [epp. 12, 25, 60] But while everywhere Ivo
inveighs against the vices of all, what wonder, if to some he is a burden,
to others an object of hatred? Who could hear with equanimity
that trumpet ever blaring? And if he made certain
men higher in degree and in power, who would not be angered,
or not avenge his dignity so often mangled?
Truly whoever shall turn his mind to the manners
of the men of that age, will wonder, not that Ivo
cried out, but that he alone cried out, and so many others could
be silent; when there was need of a strong outcry, to rouse
the lethargy of men.

[12] Yet do not imagine to yourself an Ivo, an austere
and iron man, who by contumacy and vain boasting
of liberty would provoke fame and fate. Whoever
shall have read his epistles, [moderate in conducting affairs:] will recognize him moderate:
for often he tempered the rigor of the Canons, or admonished others
to temper it: often he dissuaded Pontiffs or their Legates
and other Prelates from pronouncing anathema. [ep. 23] In fine he tolerated far more
than he rebuked; so that we can say of him,
what was once said of a Pontiff, but a profane one: Of his own accord the author of no
servile opinion, and as often as necessity pressed wisely
moderating. [and toward Philip] The anathema pronounced by Urban
II against Philip, he wished long concealed
to be withheld, out of a certain benevolence and propensity
toward the Prince, lest any tumult be made in the kingdom.
[ep. 137] To the Clergy of Beauvais inquiring, whether he should set a certain
guilty Canon before an Ecclesiastical tribunal, [in the responses to the people of Beauvais,] as
the Canon law bears, or before a civil or royal one, as the King himself
commanded; he judged that indeed the former was better and according to law,
yet the latter was to be done, on account of the evils which threatened,
unless they had a patience hardened and prepared for all things.
He writes nearly similar things to Turgedus,
the Abbot of Inguena, to the Bishop of Avranches, [the Bishop Turgedus] doubtful of opinion,
whether he should obey the Legate of the Supreme Pontiff or the King. [ep. 270]
He says indeed that compliance ought to be rendered to the latter:
but if he have not enough spirit, and do not wish to have the King angered,
[and Cono the Legate.] let him send to the Supreme Pontiff, those who may excuse the deed
done against his will. [ep. 273] But before Cono
the Bishop of Palestrina, Legate of the holy Apostolic
See, he prays, that the Bishop of Bayeux not be
branded with Ecclesiastical censure: since
he is held under another's jurisdiction, which he must needs serve.

[13] But among the arguments of moderation and of propensity
toward his Superiors not to be omitted, is what
Ordericus says of him (I will offer his words): In the year
1103, [Lib. 2.] Pope Paschal came into Gaul … Then
the venerable Ivo, Bishop of the city of Chartres, flourished among
the chief Doctors of France in the erudition of letters
both divine and secular: [He receives Pope Paschal:] by whom invited
the Pope celebrated the solemnity of Easter at Chartres.]
Moreover while he diligently attends to these things, hence
the assertor of Ecclesiastical discipline, hence its greatest
moderator when the place demands it; he does not omit
those things which he owes both to the King and to the fatherland. And although he was a most keen
defender of the sacred rights of the Apostolic See, [prudent and circumspect,]
yet he never committed anything against the rights of the Gallican
Church nor suffered it to be committed, in preserving and
defending both wonderfully how prudent and
circumspect. Louis VI perceived this, immediately from
the time when he began to reign. For some days after Philip
to weave delay to the sacred anointing of the King, out of zeal
for innovating things. [ep. 189] Wherefore he urged, that as
soon as possible it be performed at Orléans, the Clergy of Reims
protesting in vain: [he procures the coronation of Louis 6,] in which
matter without doubt he provided for both the King and the Kingdom.
Why should I report his care, by which he acted that King Louis
might not stain himself with not very honorable nuptials, which
Hugo Count of Troyes was persuading him to; and that he should join to himself
without delay the destined bride, [and his honorable nuptials,] that the hope of a successor
might restrain the impending divisions of the kingdom? Certainly he was greatly
esteemed by the King, so that before all he was on his
council. [epp. 209 & 239] A man struck with anathema, and made
by the Bishop, and he himself received him: so much did he value
his being acceptable to the King.

[14] When Paschal II had commanded Radulf,
designated to the See of Reims, that he should not bind
himself to the King by any oath; he wrote that it had by no means been obeyed, because
this command was both against the custom of the Bishops
of Gaul, and against the right of the King; nor did it proceed from elsewhere,
than from that which in men is carnal,
and which seeks the things of the flesh, not those which are of God. [ep. 190] To the same
Supreme Pontiff writing he asks, [the Supreme Pontiffs and Kings he reconciles as he can:] that he never
rashly depart from the friendship of the King of Gaul; lest he give to Gaul,
otherwise most religious and most loving of the Roman Pontiff,
miserably torn. Wherefore he perceived that human affairs
cannot be safe and secure, unless the Kingdom and the Priesthood
have agreed between themselves: for which thing it is necessary that the one
sometimes yield to the other of its own.

[15] But there is no matter in which the genius and wisdom
of Ivo more shone forth, than in the question concerning [f] Investitures,
as they call them. [how he acted concerning Investiture.] This was at this time agitated with
so great heat among Emperors, Kings, Pontiffs, that
on which side the victory stood neither now nor then
could you say. Ivo pronouncing on these, although now he pleases Baronius,
now displeases, yet so discoursed, that
he suffered no mark of heresy or error, or of schism
or of cowardice to be branded either on the Roman Pontiff, or on Kings and Emperors:
since the matter is neither of heresies nor of errors;
and the rest, if there be no division,
according to place, time and other circumstances can be diminished, increased,
removed, applied, which then can undergo various acceptations
and appellations. And so he judged,
that investitures made by Princes were not at once to be condemned;
the same permitted by the Supreme Pontiffs, by no means
to be rejected; from the nature of the matter, if the good of peace bears it, to be
received from the Supreme Pontiff alone; but before this often
not without Kings given and received. This, I say,
he judged and with great effort affirmed, and if you consult our times
not without reason. He did not wish Ecclesiastical liberty
to be subjected to secular powers;
nor himself so to exalt himself, that he should despise or offend these.
You would say from these that Ivo is another,
than him whom I before described rebuking and thundering: yet
it is the very same, equal toward all, if he had had equals toward himself;
moderate indeed, if at that time there had been any measure
of luxury, ambition, [he hinders the plunderings of the Church,] avarice. King Louis
and his Courtiers from the plundering of the goods of the Church,
whether by threats or censures, he boldly deterred: from
these however he abstained, when he judged those to be enough.
He tempered therefore gentleness with severity, unless
perhaps when he so severely restrained Louis himself
asking some paltry I know not what from him, because he sought trifles
from the Bishop, that you would say he had put on a royal mind,
because he was addressing a King.

ANNOTATA.







CHAPTER IV.

The goods of the Churches provided for. His death: sacred cult.

[16] Distracted by these greatest things he did not neglect smaller ones:
and first of all, that he might always have his Brothers with him,
[He institutes Regular Canons in the convent of S. John,] and enjoy their fellowship, the church
of S. Vincent near the city of Chartres, built by a certain Realdus
in which a body of Canons dwelt, he bestowed on them;
the college of S. Stephen being added: and
for these in the year one thousand ninety-nine, with the consent
of his Canons, he built a cloister and temple,
sacred to S. John the Forerunner: from which the monastery
took its name from S. John of Vailly. It stood until
the year one thousand five hundred sixty-eight,
in which it experienced a lot equal to many others, the fury of the seceders
and heretics. Wherefore the religious
Canons betaking themselves into the city,
dwelt in the aforesaid buildings of S. Stephen: or rather
to say in ruins: so much were all things broken by age and squalor
and tending to ruin: until in the year of the Lord
one thousand six hundred twenty-four, by the work of the Most Illustrious
Lord [b] Destampes, then Prelate of Chartres,
the Regular Canons invited thither (who recently
at Senlis, by the counsel and authority of the Most Eminent
had reformed themselves to a better and holier life)
built that same house from the foundations. Moreover
he set the Dean of the Church of S. Andrew of the same city, [the Dean in the church of S. Andrew:] with
the consent of his Chapter, over the College: namely
Lord Odo, a venerable man, well learned in Ecclesiastical
and secular matters, who should fill his own
place; the ancient acts call him Abbot: which
name because it was once common to Canons and monks,
even after the division of secular Canons
from Regulars, is sometimes attributed to both of these.

[17] He had as friends while he lived [d] Robert of
Arbrissel, author of B. Mary de Rota of the Order of nuns
of Fontevrault; and Bernard, [he does good to sacred places] Institutor and
Abbot also of certain monks of S. Cyprian of Quincy near Poitiers.
For these he is said to have built monasteries in his diocese;
for the monks indeed the monastery of [e] Bernard of Tiron;
for the women of Robert this which is called
to the Cluniacs he gave the Priory of the Magdalen of Petit-Beaulieu,
and assigned La Charité (a town of the diocese of Auxerre)
to their monastery.
The pulpit of the Church of Chartres he caused to be elegantly
adorned for that time with the histories of the old and new
Testament.

[18] [he dies December 23, year 1115] At length having deserved excellently well of the Church, he discharges his last
fate on the 10th of the Kalends of January, in the year of the Lord
1115, contrary to what Matthew Paris or Papirius
Masson thought. But the Necrologies make faith of this,
both of the Church of Chartres, and of the monastery of S. John,
whose eulogies [g] you have described below. It does not
escape me that some have reckoned our Ivo in the number
of the Purpled: but they were deceived from this, that
at nearly the same time flourished Ivo a Cardinal, who was also
Legate in Gaul of Innocent II the Supreme Pontiff,
in the year of the Lord one thousand one hundred and forty-second.

[19] These things I had to say of Ivo. Whoever shall read his epistles will discover more. [a man great in all things] Let no one here require ampler praises
of him. He pursued the way by which one goes to the heavens.
A man great among those with whom he lived; yet greater
to posterity, because to these he spoke against nothing. In stock and dignity
equal to many, inferior to some, as in virtue and doctrine
the greatest of all. In condition indeed and
obedience subject to Princes and Supreme Pontiffs:
but in loftiness of mind and constancy not even
equal, but if anything beyond. Born for the highest things, and one who
would be worthy of the highest, unless with the highest something were
more difficult in dealing. The favor of Kings he neither despised, nor
sought: he esteemed their benevolence, on account
of this that he wished them well. Noble, Theologian, Canon,
Abbot, Bishop, so that in a certain manner of all
so he who is so great, nor does anyone envy anyone anything
on his account. Belgium gave place to his nativity,
Celtica to his dignity, all Gaul, Italy, England to his virtue.
To Kings and Princes faithful and useful, yet not
always pleasing, because both are difficult. Of the Supreme
Pontiffs a most devoted son: but sometimes of them,
as of men, as it were a father: so much, when the matter required it,
did he summon lofty spirits. Finally so on earth
he conducted himself, that he reached heaven most nearly: and freed
from the body, without doubt he attained it.

[20] His memory indeed the Christians always venerated,
[by the indult of Pius V he is venerated May 20.] but did not celebrate it on any feast day for
many years. After his death however the heretics raged against
him and his bones, which they are not wont to do except
against Saints. And Pius V, a Pontiff of most happy memory,
permitted the Regular Canons of the Lateran Congregation
to celebrate his feast day on May 20,
the Bull given on December 18 in the year one thousand five hundred
and seventy, the fifth of his Pontificate.

ANNOTATA.
