title: De computo

author: Anonymous

source_edition: Migne, Patrologia Latina, vol. 90, coll. 647–652D

source_text:
## De computo

[0647]Augustinus dixit de quatuor divisionibus scripturae: Quatuor necessaria sunt in Ecclesia Dei: Canon divinus, in quo narratur et praedicatur vita futura; Historia, in qua rerum gesta narrantur; Numerus, in quo facta futurorum et solemnitates divinae dinumerantur; Grammatica, in qua verborum scientia intelligitur. Igitur quatuor sunt partes Scripturae: Canon divinus, Historia, Numerus, Grammatica. Istae autem divisiones sunt quasi Scripturae quatuor fundamenta. Isidorus in Computi laude dicit: Ratio numerorum contemnenda non est. In multis locis sanctarum Scripturarum, quantum mysterium habet, elucet. Non enim frustra in laudibus Dei dictum est: Omnia in mensura et numero et pondere fecisti. Senarius namque numerus, qui partibus suis perfectus [0648] est, perfectionem mundi quadam numeri sui significatione declarat. Similiter et quadraginta dies, quibus Moses et Elias et ipse Dominus jejunaverunt, sine numerorum cognitione non intelliguntur. Sic et alii in Scripturis sacris numeri existunt, quorum figuras non nisi noti hujus artis scientiae solvere possunt. Datum etiam nobis est, ex aliqua parte sub numerorum consistere disciplina, quando mensium curricula disputamus, quando anni spatium redeuntis per numerum agnoscimus. Per numerum siquidem ne confundamur, instruimur. Tolle numerum a rebus omnibus, et omnia pereunt. Adime saeculo computum, et omnia caeca ignorantia complectitur. Nec differri possunt a caeteris animalibus, qui calculi nesciunt rationem.

[0649A]DISCIPULUS: Haec ergo ratio numerorum unde primum processit, scire nos cupimus.

MAGISTER: A Deo scilicet, quia omnis sapientia et scientia a Domino Deo est, ex quo facta sunt omnia.

D. Dic ergo quando primum inventa est ista ratio?

M. Ex illo tempore ex quo factae sunt creaturae, hoc est ab origine saeculi. Tunc enim primum numerus initiavit; sicut in Genesi legitur: *Et factum est ves ere et mane dies unus.* Tunc ergo dixit de nocte et die, quando dixit vespere, id est nox; et mane, id est dies. De numero autem dixit, quando dixit, dies unus, sic secundus, sic tertius, sic quartus, sic quintus, sic sextus, sic septimus. Iterum de numero dixit Deus, quando dixit de sole et luna: Et sint in signa et tempora et dies et annos. Quis enim potest intelligere dies et tempora et annos, nisi per numerum? Inde dixit Boethius: Omnia quaecunque a prima rerum natura constructa sunt, numerorum videntur ratione formata. Hoc enim fuit principale exemplar in animo Conditoris. Hinc enim quatuor [0649B] elementorum multitudo mutuata est, hinc temporum vices, hinc motus astrorum coelique conversio intelligitur. Item Boethius dicit: Proprie ipsa natura numerorum, omnis astrorum cursus, omnisque astronomica ratio constituta est. Sic enim ortus occasusque colligimus: sic tarditates velocitatesque errantium siderum custodimus; sic defectus et multiplices lunae variationes agnoscimus.

D. Haec igitur ars, hoc est numerus, quod nomen generale habet?

M. Philosophia scilicet, quia omnis sapientia, philosophia nominatur.

D. Quid est philosophia? cujus linguae est?

M. Graecum nomen est, et interpretatur amor scientiae. Φίλος enim apud Graecos, Latine amor dicitur. Σοφία vero sapientia vel scientia interpretatur.

D. Philosophia quomodo diffinitur?

M. Isidorus eam sic definivit dicens: Philosophia est rerum humanarum divinarumque cognitio. In hoc [0649C] exemplo ostenditur quod omnis sapientia, sive divina sive humana, philosophia nuncupatur. Item alia diffinitio philosophiae: Philosophia est divinarum humanarumque rerum, in quantum possibile est, probabilis scientia. Item alia diffinitio philosophiae: Philosophia est ars artium, et disciplina disciplinarum.

D. Quot sunt divisiones philosophiae?

M. Tres, id est, physica, ethica, logica; hoc est, naturalis, moralis, rationalis. Unde Isidorus dicit: Philosophiae species tripartita est. Una autem naturalis, quae Graece φυσικὴ, hoc est physica, in qua naturae inquisitio disseritur; altera vero moralis, quae apud Graecos ἠθικὴ dicitur, hoc est ethica, in qua de moribus agitur; et tertia rationalis, quae Graeco vocabulo appellatur λογικὴ, hoc est logica, in qua disputando quemadmodum in rerum causis vel vitae moribus veritas ipsa quaeratur. In physica igitur, causa quaerendi; in ethica, ordo inveniendi; in logica, ratio intelligendi versatur. Item, sunt ergo tres philosophiae partes, hoc est, tres divisiones sapientiae, Physica, [0649D] Ethica, Logica. In his etiam tribus generibus philosophiae, eloquia divina consistunt. Nam aut de natura disputare solent, ut in Genesi, et in Ecclesiaste, aut in Proverbiis, et in Epistolis Pauli apostoli, aut in Cantica canticorum, et in Evangeliis, et in aliis multis libris; aut de moribus, aut de superioribus mysteriis coelestibus, hoc est de logica.

D. Quis ergo invenit istas tres partes philosophiae?

M. Physicam invenit Thales Milesius, unus ex septem sapientibus Graecorum. Ethicam invenit Socrates. Logicam invenit Plato philosophus.

D. Ad quam igitur partem de his tribus philosophiae pertinet computus?

M. Ad physicam, sine dubio.

D. Physica vero quot divisiones habet?

M. Quatuor, id est arithmeticam, geometriam, musicam, astronomiam.

D. Arithmetica quid est?

M. Numerabilis ars.

[0650A]D. Geometrica quid est?

M. Terrae mensuratio.

D. Musica quid est?

M. Modulatio.

D. Astronomia quid est?

M. Astrorum lex.

D. Ex his itaque quatuor divisionibus physicae, id est, naturalis scientiae, quae prima discenda est?

M. Arithmetica procul dubio, quae principium matrisque quodammodo ad caeteras obtinet portionem. Arithmetica enim cunctis prior est, quia hanc ille hujus mundanae molis conditor Deus primum suae habuit ratiocinationis exemplar: ex hac cuncta constituit, hoc est, per numeros omnia elementa constituit et ordinavit.

D. Quis primus invenit numerum apud Hebraeos et Aegyptios?

M. Abraham primus invenit numerum apud Hebraeos, deinde Moses; et Abraham tradidit istam scientiam numeri ad Aegyptios, et docuit eos: deinde [0650B] Josephus.

D. Quis primus istam scientiam numeri habuit apud Graecos et Latinos?

M. Pythagoras apud Graecos, Apuleius et Boethius apud Latinos; unde Isidorus dicit: Numeri disciplinam apud Graecos primum Pythagoram nuncupant conscripsisse, ac deinde a Nicomacho diffusius esse dispositam; quam apud Latinos Apuleius et deinde Boetius transtulerunt.

D. Quomodo numerus nominatur apud Hebraeos, et Chaldaeos, et Syros, et Macedones?

M. Vocatur *Nonnan* apud Hebraeos, Chaldaeos et Syros. Apud Macedones *calculus.* Calculator nomen accepit a calculis, id est lapillis minutis, quos antiqui in manu tenentes componebant numerum. Apud alios Graecos *cyclus,* vel *rhythmus;* apud Aegyptios latercus, inde laterculus diminutive dicitur, et *rima,* unde rimarii appellantur.

D. Illud nomen quod dicitur numerus, simplexne [0650C] est, an compositum?

M. Compositum, scilicet ex duobus corruptis. *Nume* enim ex eo nomine quod est nummus venit, *rus* autem ex eo nomine quod est rivus derivatur. Ex rivo enim nummorum, id est, ex multitudine census qui reddebatur regibus vel imperatoribus, numerus nomen accepit. Unde Isidorus dicit: Nummus numero nomen dedit, et a sui frequentatione vocabulum indidit.

D. Numerus, unde nomen accepit?

M. A Numeria. Hinc Augustinus ait: Numerus a Numeria quadam dea nominatur, cujus sacerdotes retro versis vultibus offerebant, et post oblata munera retro pergebant.

D. Numerus quomodo definitur?

M. Isidorus diffinivit dicens: Numerus est multitudo ex unitatibus constituta. Nam unum, semen numeri esse, non numerum, dicimus. Item alius dicit: Unus, non est numerus, sed ab eo crescunt numeri. Tamen Donatus etiam unum pro numero posuit, dicens: [0650D] Numerus est singularis, ut, Hic magister. Item Augustinus dicit: Numerus est singularis corporis ac vocis et significationis collectio. Item, Numerus dicitur a numerando, velut supra dictum est, a Numeria dea, quam antiqui dicebant deam esse numeri; sive numerus dicitur, quasi nummorum rivus. Antiqui enim nescientes numerare, ex lapillis sua tempora suosque dies numerabant, in prosperitate candidis, in adversitate nigris. Unde Persius ait: Hunc, Macrine, diem numera meliore lapillo.

D. Quomodo nominantur numeri ab uno usque ad mille, et myriadas?

M. Sic nominantur:--Unum, duo, tria, quatuor, quinque, sex, septem, octo, novem, decem;--undecim, duodecim, tredecim, quatuordecim, quindecim, sedecim vel sexdecim, septemdecim vel decemseptem, octodecim, novemdecim, viginti;--viginti unum, viginti duo, viginti tria, viginti quatuor, viginti [0651A] quinque, viginti sex, viginti septem, viginti octo, viginti novem, triginta;--triginta unum, triginta duo, triginta tria, triginta quatuor, triginta quinque, triginta sex, triginta septem, triginta octo, triginta novem, quadraginta;--quadraginta unum, quadraginta duo, quadraginta tria, quadraginta quatuor, quadraginta quinque, quadraginta sex, quadraginta septem, quadraginta octo, quadraginta novem, quinquaginta;--quinquaginta unum, quiquaginta duo, quinquaginta tria, quinquaginta quatuor, quinquaginta quinque, quinquaginta sex, quinquaginta septem, quinquaginta octo, quinquaginta novem, sexaginta;--sexaginta unum, sexaginta duo, sexaginta tria, sexaginta quatuor, sexaginta quinque, sexaginta sex, sexaginta septem, sexaginta octo, sexaginta novem, septuaginta;--septuaginta unum, septuaginta duo, septuaginta tria, septuaginta quatuor, septuaginta quinque, septuaginta sex, septuaginta septem, septuaginta octo, septuaginta novem, octoginta;--octoginta unum, octoginta duo, octoginta tria, octoginta quatuor, [0651B] octoginta quinque, octoginta sex, octoginta septem, octoginta octo, octoginta novem, nonaginta;--nonaginta unum, nonaginta duo, etc.;--centum, centum et unum, centum et duo, etc.;--ducenta, trecenta, quadringenta, quingenta, sexcenta, septingenta, octingenta, noningenta, mille;--duo millia, tria millia, quatuor millia, quinque millia, sex millia, septem millia, octo millia, novem millia, decem millia.--Sic constat quod decem decies multiplicatus, centum facit. Centum decies multiplicatus, mille facit. Mille decies multiplicatus, myriadam facit. Sic viginti, duas myriadas; et triginta, tres myriadas; et quadraginta, quatuor myriadas; et quinquaginta, quinque myriadas; et sexaginta, sex myriadas; et septuaginta, septem myriadas; et octuaginta, octo myriadas; et nonaginta, novem myriadas; et centum, decem myriadas; bis centum, viginti myriadas; ter centum, triginta myriadas; quater centum, quadraginta myriadas; quinquies [0651C] centum, quinquaginta myriadas; sexies centum, sexaginta myriadas; septies centum, septuaginta myriadas; octies centum, octuaginta myriadas; nonies centum, nonaginta myriadas; decies centena millia, centum myriadas.

D. Ista nomina numeri quae diximus, per quas notas significantur apud Latinos?

M. Per istas septem notas: hoc est I V X L D C M.

D. Quomodo istae notae significant et multiplicant numeros?

M. Aut simpliciter solae significant, aut compositae.

D. Alia cum aliis, aut multiplicatae per se?

M. Simpliciter significant, sicut est I unus. V sola quinque. X sola, decem. L per se, quinquaginta. C per se, tantum significat centum. D sola, quingentos. M sola, aut cum titulo supra, mille significat.

D. Quomodo autem multiplicatae, per se numerum generant?

M. Veluti I duplicata sic, II duos significat, triplicata, [0651D] III tres, quadruplicata, IIII quatuor.

D. Quamobrem I unum significat?

## De computo (cont.)

M. Quid autem convenientius est quam illa littera, quae minima est litterarum in charactere, ut significaret illum numerum qui minimus est in numeris, hoc est unus. Nulla autem nota apud Latinos multiplicatur plus quam per quatuor vices. Deinde post I sequitur V, quae quinque significat?

D. Ad quid V quinque significat?

M. Quia quinta vocalis est in ordine vocalium; et qualis est in ordine vocalium, talis est in numero. Hinc dicitur de quinta littera, quinque virgulis notata; de X littera, decem. Nec V duplicatur, sed sequente V, I ponitur in numero. Si unum I, fiunt [0652A] sex; si duo, VII septem; si tres, VIII octo; si quatuor, VIIII novem: plus non crescit. Deinde sequitur X, quae decem significat.

D. Quis ostendit quod X decem significat?

M. Isidorus dicit: Nomina litterarum apud Graecos, et verba componunt, et numeros faciunt. Latini autem numeros ad litteras non componunt, excepta X littera, quae in figura crucem significat, et in numero decem demonstrat. Sequente X, I multiplicatur usque ad XIIII, quod quatuordecim denotat. Deinde sequitur V post X et fiunt XV. Sequente V, multiplicata I quater ita XVIIII, fiunt novemdecim.

D. Viginti quae nota significat?

M. Littera X duplicata. Bis enim decem habet, sic XX propterea dicuntur viginti, quia bis decem genita. Et sic XXX, triginta, ter decem genita.

D. Per qualem notam significantur triginta?

M. Per X ter multiplicatam. Et X non multiplicatur plus quam per tres vices.

D. Quadraginta, per qualem notam significantur?

[0652B]M. Per X et L.

D. Quadraginta, quare dicuntur? M. Id est quater decem genita. [n: (Omnis enim littera numeralis minus significans, si praecedit, tantum demit de sequenti, quantum in se habet; velut I, II, III, IV pro IIII, V, VI, VII, VIII, VIIII pro IX, X, XX, XXX, XL pro XXXX, ut quidam volunt, L, LX, LXX, LXXX, LXL vel XC pro LXXXX, C, CC, CCC, CD, pro CCCC, D pro CCCCC, DC, DCC, DCCC, CM pro DCCCC, M.)]

D. Quae nota significat quinquaginta?

M. Littera L.

D. Quamobrem?

M. Quia numerus principalis in lege Domini est quinquagenarius. Sub illo enim numero cadebat Jubilaeus, hoc est in quinquagesimo anno. Conveniens autem erat ut ille numerus, qui principatum in lege veteri obtinet, hoc est, quinquagenarius, per illam litteram L, quae prima est in illo nomine, quod est lex, significaretur. Sexaginta vero, per L et X, septuaginta, [0652C] per L et duo XX. Octoginta, per L et tria XXX.

D. Quae nota significat nonaginta?

M. Duae notae significant nonaginta, aut X inter duo L, ut LXL, aut X ante C, ut XC.

D. Quae nota significat centum?

M. Littera C.

D. Quare?

M. Quia prima est in illo nomine, quod est centum. Usus enim erat saepe apud veteres, per primam litteram nomina significare.

D. Unde dicitur centum?

M. A cantu, hoc est circulo, vel a choro cantantium.

Mos enim erat apud veteres, centum homines in choro cantantium habere. Centum ideo a cantu vel a circulo dicitur. C vero duplicata sic CC, significat ducentos; triplicata, CCC, trecentos; quadruplicata, CCCC, quadringentos.

D. Quae nota significat quingentos?

[0652D]M. Ipsa D littera.

D. Quare?

M. Conveniens autem erat ut in numero prioris litterae, hoc est C, finito, illa littera quae sequitur in ordine litterarum, nempe D, teneret numerum sequentem, hoc est quingentos. Deinde C sequente D, sic DC, sexcentos. Duo CC, sequentes D, sic DCC, septingentos. Ter ducta C, sequente D, sic DCCC, fit octingentos. Quater C multiplicata, sequente D, sic DCCCC, nongentos significat. Mille autem signatur nota M (ut jam diximus), quoniam ipsa est prima littera in hac dictione mille. Mille vero a multitudine procedit, et usque ad centum centena millia pervenit.

english:
## On Reckoning

[0647]Augustine said concerning the four divisions of scripture: Four things are necessary in the Church of God: the divine Canon, in which the life to come is recounted and preached; History, in which the deeds of things done are recounted; Number, by which the facts of things to come and the divine solemnities are numbered out; Grammar, in which the knowledge of words is understood. Therefore there are four parts of Scripture: the divine Canon, History, Number, Grammar. And these divisions are, as it were, the four foundations of Scripture. Isidore says in praise of Reckoning: The reckoning of numbers is not to be despised. In many places of the Holy Scriptures it shines out how great a mystery it holds. For not without cause was it said in the praises of God: Thou hast made all things in measure and number and weight. For the number six, which is perfect in its parts, [0648] declares the perfection of the world by a certain signification of its own number. Likewise also the forty days, in which Moses and Elijah and the Lord himself fasted, are not understood without the knowledge of numbers. So also other numbers occur in the sacred Scriptures, whose figures none but those acquainted with the knowledge of this art can unravel. It is granted to us also, in some part, to stand under the discipline of numbers, when we discuss the courses of the months, when we recognize by number the span of the returning year. Indeed, it is by number that we are instructed, lest we be confounded. Take number away from all things, and all things perish. Remove reckoning from the world, and blind ignorance embraces all things. Nor can those who do not know the reckoning of calculation be distinguished from the other animals.

[0649A]DISCIPLE: We desire to know, then, whence this reckoning of numbers first proceeded.

MASTER: From God, clearly, since all wisdom and knowledge is from the Lord God, from whom all things were made.

D. Tell me then, when was this reckoning first discovered?

M. From that time from which the creatures were made, that is, from the origin of the world. For then number first began; as we read in Genesis: *And there was [sic: ves ere] and morning, one day.* Then, therefore, he spoke of night and day, when he said evening, that is, night; and morning, that is, day. But of number he spoke when he said, one day, and so a second, so a third, so a fourth, so a fifth, so a sixth, so a seventh. Again God spoke of number, when he said of the sun and moon: And let them be for signs and seasons and days and years. For who can understand days and seasons and years, except through number? Whence Boethius said: All things whatsoever that have been constructed from the first nature of things appear to be formed by the reckoning of numbers. For this was the principal exemplar in the mind of the Creator. For hence the multitude of the four [0649B] elements was borrowed; hence the changes of the seasons; hence the motion of the stars and the revolution of the heaven are understood. Likewise Boethius says: Properly by the very nature of numbers has every course of the stars and every astronomical reckoning been established. For thus we gather risings and settings; thus we keep track of the slowness and the swiftness of the wandering stars; thus we recognize the eclipses and the manifold variations of the moon.

D. This art, then, that is, number — what general name does it have?

M. Philosophy, clearly, since all wisdom is named philosophy.

D. What is philosophy? Of what tongue is it?

M. It is a Greek name, and is interpreted as love of knowledge. For Φίλος among the Greeks is called *love* in Latin. And Σοφία is interpreted as wisdom or knowledge.

D. How is philosophy defined?

M. Isidore defined it thus, saying: Philosophy is the knowledge of things human and divine. In this [0649C] instance it is shown that all wisdom, whether divine or human, is termed philosophy. Likewise another definition of philosophy: Philosophy is the probable knowledge of things divine and human, in so far as is possible. Likewise another definition of philosophy: Philosophy is the art of arts, and the discipline of disciplines.

D. How many divisions of philosophy are there?

M. Three, that is, physics, ethics, logic; that is, natural, moral, rational. Whence Isidore says: The kind of philosophy is threefold. One is natural, which in Greek is φυσικὴ, that is, physics, in which the investigation of nature is discussed; another is moral, which among the Greeks is called ἠθικὴ, that is, ethics, in which there is treatment of morals; and the third is rational, which by a Greek word is called λογικὴ, that is, logic, in which, by disputing, it is sought how truth itself may be found in the causes of things or in the morals of life. In physics, therefore, is engaged the cause of seeking; in ethics, the order of finding; in logic, the reckoning of understanding. Likewise, there are then three parts of philosophy, that is, three divisions of wisdom: Physics, [0649D] Ethics, Logic. In these three kinds of philosophy also the divine utterances consist. For they are wont to discuss either nature, as in Genesis, and in Ecclesiastes, or in Proverbs, and in the Epistles of Paul the apostle, or in the Song of Songs, and in the Gospels, and in many other books; or morals; or the higher heavenly mysteries, that is, logic.

D. Who then discovered these three parts of philosophy?

M. Thales of Miletus, one of the seven wise men of the Greeks, discovered physics. Socrates discovered ethics. Plato the philosopher discovered logic.

D. To which part, then, of these three of philosophy does reckoning belong?

M. To physics, without doubt.

D. And how many divisions has physics?

M. Four, that is, arithmetic, geometry, music, astronomy.

D. What is arithmetic?

M. The art of numbering.

[0650A]D. What is geometry?

M. The measuring of the earth.

D. What is music?

M. Modulation.

D. What is astronomy?

M. The law of the stars.

D. Of these four divisions of physics, that is, of natural knowledge, which is to be learned first?

M. Arithmetic beyond doubt, which holds, as it were, the portion of a beginning and of a mother toward the rest. For arithmetic is prior to all, since God, the founder of this worldly mass, had it first as the exemplar of his own reasoning: out of it he established all things, that is, through numbers he established and ordered all the elements.

D. Who first discovered number among the Hebrews and the Egyptians?

M. Abraham first discovered number among the Hebrews, then Moses; and Abraham handed on this knowledge of number to the Egyptians, and taught them: then [0650B] Josephus.

D. Who first had this knowledge of number among the Greeks and the Latins?

M. Pythagoras among the Greeks, Apuleius and Boethius among the Latins; whence Isidore says: They say that among the Greeks Pythagoras first wrote down the discipline of number, and that thereafter it was more fully set in order by Nicomachus; which among the Latins Apuleius and then Boethius translated.

D. How is number named among the Hebrews, and the Chaldeans, and the Syrians, and the Macedonians?

M. It is called *Nonnan* among the Hebrews, the Chaldeans, and the Syrians. Among the Macedonians, *calculus.* The *calculator* took its name from *calculi*, that is, small pebbles, which the ancients, holding in their hand, composed number with. Among other Greeks, *cyclus,* or *rhythmus;* among the Egyptians, latercus, whence *laterculus* is said as a diminutive, and *rima,* whence they are called *rimarii.*

D. That name which is called *number* — is it simple [0650C] or compound?

M. Compound, namely from two corrupted words. For *Nume* comes from that noun which is *nummus* (coin), while *rus* is derived from that noun which is *rivus* (stream). For from the stream of coins, that is, from the multitude of the revenue which was paid to kings or emperors, number took its name. Whence Isidore says: *Nummus* gave its name to *numerus*, and from its frequent use bestowed the word.

D. Number — whence did it take its name?

M. From Numeria. Hence Augustine says: Number is named from a certain goddess Numeria, whose priests used to make offering with their faces turned backwards, and after the gifts had been offered went away backwards.

D. How is number defined?

M. Isidore defined it, saying: Number is a multitude constituted out of units. For we say that one is the seed of number, not a number. Likewise another says: One is not a number, but from it numbers grow. Yet Donatus also set down one as a number, saying: [0650D] The number is singular, as, This master. Likewise Augustine says: Number is the gathering together of a single body and voice and signification. Likewise, number (*numerus*) is so called from numbering, as was said above, from the goddess Numeria, whom the ancients used to say was the goddess of number; or number is so called as though it were the stream of coins. For the ancients, not knowing how to count, used to number their times and their days by pebbles — white ones in prosperity, black ones in adversity. Whence Persius says: Number this day, Macrinus, with a better pebble.

D. How are the numbers named from one up to a thousand, and myriads?

M. They are named thus:--One, two, three, four, five, six, seven, eight, nine, ten;--eleven, twelve, thirteen, fourteen, fifteen, sixteen or six-and-ten, seventeen or ten-and-seven, eighteen, nineteen, twenty;--twenty-one, twenty-two, twenty-three, twenty-four, twenty-[0651A]five, twenty-six, twenty-seven, twenty-eight, twenty-nine, thirty;--thirty-one, thirty-two, thirty-three, thirty-four, thirty-five, thirty-six, thirty-seven, thirty-eight, thirty-nine, forty;--forty-one, forty-two, forty-three, forty-four, forty-five, forty-six, forty-seven, forty-eight, forty-nine, fifty;--fifty-one, [sic: *quiquaginta*] two, fifty-three, fifty-four, fifty-five, fifty-six, fifty-seven, fifty-eight, fifty-nine, sixty;--sixty-one, sixty-two, sixty-three, sixty-four, sixty-five, sixty-six, sixty-seven, sixty-eight, sixty-nine, seventy;--seventy-one, seventy-two, seventy-three, seventy-four, seventy-five, seventy-six, seventy-seven, seventy-eight, seventy-nine, eighty;--eighty-one, eighty-two, eighty-three, eighty-four, [0651B] eighty-five, eighty-six, eighty-seven, eighty-eight, eighty-nine, ninety;--ninety-one, ninety-two, etc.;--a hundred, a hundred and one, a hundred and two, etc.;--two hundred, three hundred, four hundred, five hundred, six hundred, seven hundred, eight hundred, nine hundred, a thousand;--two thousand, three thousand, four thousand, five thousand, six thousand, seven thousand, eight thousand, nine thousand, ten thousand.--Thus it is established that ten multiplied ten times makes a hundred. A hundred multiplied ten times makes a thousand. A thousand multiplied ten times makes a myriad. So twenty makes two myriads; and thirty, three myriads; and forty, four myriads; and fifty, five myriads; and sixty, six myriads; and seventy, seven myriads; and eighty, eight myriads; and ninety, nine myriads; and a hundred, ten myriads; twice a hundred, twenty myriads; three times a hundred, thirty myriads; four times a hundred, forty myriads; five times [0651C] a hundred, fifty myriads; six times a hundred, sixty myriads; seven times a hundred, seventy myriads; eight times a hundred, eighty myriads; nine times a hundred, ninety myriads; ten times a hundred thousands, a hundred myriads.

D. These names of number which we have spoken — by what marks are they signified among the Latins?

M. By these seven marks: that is, I V X L D C M.

D. How do these marks signify and multiply numbers?

M. Either they signify simply, alone, or in composition.

D. Some with others, or multiplied of themselves?

M. They signify simply, as I is one. V alone, five. X alone, ten. L by itself, fifty. C by itself, signifies only a hundred. D alone, five hundred. M alone, or with a stroke above, signifies a thousand.

D. But how, when multiplied, do they generate number of themselves?

M. As I doubled thus, II, signifies two; tripled, [0651D] III, three; quadrupled, IIII, four.

D. Why does I signify one?

## On Reckoning (cont.)

M. What is more fitting than that that letter, which is the smallest of the letters in its character, should signify that number which is the smallest among numbers, that is, one? And no mark among the Latins is multiplied more than four times over. Then after I follows V, which signifies five?

D. Why does V signify five?

M. Because it is the fifth vowel in the order of the vowels; and as it is in the order of the vowels, so it is in number. Hence it is said of the fifth letter, marked with five strokes; of the letter X, ten. Nor is V doubled, but with a following V, an I is placed in the number. If one I, there become [0652A] six; if two, VII, seven; if three, VIII, eight; if four, VIIII, nine: it grows no more. Then follows X, which signifies ten.

D. Who shows that X signifies ten?

M. Isidore says: The names of the letters among the Greeks both compose words and make numbers. But the Latins do not compose numbers to letters, except the letter X, which in its figure signifies a cross, and in number denotes ten. With X following, I is multiplied up to XIIII, which denotes fourteen. Then follows V after X and there becomes XV. With V following, an I multiplied four times, thus XVIIII, there becomes nineteen.

D. What mark signifies twenty?

M. The letter X doubled. For it has twice ten, thus XX; they are therefore called twenty, because begotten twice ten. And thus XXX, thirty, begotten thrice ten.

D. By what kind of mark is thirty signified?

M. By X multiplied thrice. And X is not multiplied more than three times over.

D. Forty — by what kind of mark is it signified?

[0652B]M. By X and L.

D. Forty — why is it so called? M. That is, begotten four times ten. [nt: (For every numeral letter signifying less, if it precedes, takes away from the one following only so much as it has in itself; as I, II, III, IV for IIII, V, VI, VII, VIII, VIIII for IX, X, XX, XXX, XL for XXXX, as some will have it, L, LX, LXX, LXXX, LXL or XC for LXXXX, C, CC, CCC, CD, for CCCC, D for CCCCC, DC, DCC, DCCC, CM for DCCCC, M.)]

D. What mark signifies fifty?

M. The letter L.

D. Why?

M. Because the chief number in the law of the Lord is the fiftieth. For under that number fell the Jubilee, that is, in the fiftieth year. And it was fitting that that number which holds the primacy in the old law, that is, the fiftieth, should be signified by that letter L, which is the first in that name which is *lex* (law). But sixty by L and X; seventy, [0652C] by L and two X's; eighty, by L and three X's.

D. What mark signifies ninety?

M. Two marks signify ninety, either an X between two L's, as LXL, or an X before C, as XC.

D. What mark signifies a hundred?

M. The letter C.

D. Why?

M. Because it is the first in that name which is *centum* (a hundred). For it was often the practice among the ancients to signify names by the first letter.

D. Whence is it called *centum*?

M. From *cantus* (song), that is, a circle, or from a choir of singers.

For it was the custom among the ancients to have a hundred men in a choir of singers. A hundred is therefore called from *cantus* (song) or from a circle. And C doubled thus, CC, signifies two hundred; tripled, CCC, three hundred; quadrupled, CCCC, four hundred.

D. What mark signifies five hundred?

[0652D]M. The letter D itself.

D. Why?

M. It was fitting that, the number of the prior letter, that is, C, being finished, that letter which follows in the order of the letters, namely D, should hold the following number, that is, five hundred. Then C following D, thus DC, six hundred. Two C's following D, thus DCC, seven hundred. C drawn thrice, D following, thus DCCC, becomes eight hundred. C multiplied four times, D following, thus DCCCC, signifies nine hundred. But a thousand is marked by the mark M (as we have already said), since it is the first letter in this word *mille* (a thousand). And a thousand proceeds from a multitude, and reaches up to a hundred hundred-thousands.


site: migne

title: Chronicon breve

languages: en la

source_edition: Migne, Patrologia Latina, vol. 94, coll. 1173D–1180B

source_text:
## AETAS PRIMA.

[1173D]

Adam cum esset CXXX annorum genuit Seth. Seth autem habens annos CV genuit Enos vivente Adam, et habente annos CCXXXV. Enos quippe habens annos XC genuit Cainam vivente Adam, et habente annos CCCXXV. Cainam vero habens annos LXX genuit Malaleel vivente Adam, et habente annos CCCXCV. Malaleel habens annos LXV genuit Jared vivente Adam, et [1174D] habente annos CCCCLX. Jared autem habens annos CLXII genuit Enoch vivente Adam, et habente annos DCXXII. Enoch vero habens annos LXV genuit Matusala vivente Adam et habente annos DCLXXXVII. Et Mathusalem habens annos CLXXXVII genuit Lamech vivente Adam et habente annos DCCCLXXIV. Lamech enim habens annos CLXXII genuit Noe. Noe habens annos D genuit Sem. Sem autem habens annos C diluvium [1175A] factum est. Et hic perficitur numerus annorum millesimus DCLXVI.

## AETAS SECUNDA.

Anno secundo post diluvium Sem annorum CII genuit Arfaxat. Arfaxat habens annos XXXV genuit Sale. Sale autem habens annos XXX genuit Eber. Eber habens annos XXXIV genuit Falech. Falech habens annos XXX genuit Reu. Reu habens annos XXXII genuit Seruch. Seruch habens annos XXX genuit Nachor. Nachor habens annos XXIX genuit Thara. Thara habens annos LXX genuit Abraham. Hic finitur numerus secundae aetatis habens annos CCXCII, et fiunt simul anni duarum aetatum mille DCCCCXLVIII.

## AETAS TERTIA.

Abraham cum esset C annorum genuit Isaac. Isaac habens annos LX genuit Jacob. Jacob habens annos XC genuit Joseph qui vixit annos CX. Fuerunt ab eo usque ad egressionem filiorum Israel ex Aegypto per [1175B] Mosem ducem anni CLXV. Et ab egressione Israel usque ad Josue anni XL. A Josue ergo usque ad Othonielem fiunt anni XXVI. Et ab Othoniele usque ad Aoth anni XL. Ab Aoth vero usque ad Debbora fiunt anni LXXX. Et a Debbora usque ad Gedeonem fiunt anni XL. Et a Gedeone usque ad Abimelech anni XL. Ab Abimelech autem usque ad Tota fiunt anni III. A Tola quippe usque Jair sunt anni XXIII. A Jair vero usque ad Jephte sunt anni XXII. Et de Jephte usque ad Ebesan fiunt anni VI. De Ebesa autem usque ad Achialonem sunt anni VII. Ab Achialone usque ad Labdonem fiunt anni X. A Labdone vero usque ad Samsonem fiunt anni VIII. Et a Samsone usque ad Heli anni XX. Ab Heli enim usque ad Samuelem sunt anni XL. Et a Samuele usque ad Saulem sunt anni XII. A Saule ergo usque ad David sunt anni XXX. Hic perficitur numerus tertiae aetatis annorum DCCCCXLII, et sunt simul anni trium aetatum duo millia DCCCXC.

## AETAS QUARTA.

[1175C]

A David usque ad Salomonem sunt anni XL. A Salomone autem usque ad Roboam computantur anni XL. Et a Roboam usque ad Abiam sunt anni XXII. Ab Abia usque ad Asa fiunt anni III. Et ab Asa usque ad Josaphat anni XLI. A Josaphat autem usque ad Joram sunt anni XXV. De Joram usque ad Azariam sunt anni VIII. Et ab Azaria usque ad Athaliam fit annus I. Ab Athalia enim usque ad Joam sunt anni VI. A Joa vero usque ad Amasiam sunt anni XL. Et ab Amasia usque ad Oziam sunt anni XXIX. Ab Ozia enim usque ad Joatham fiunt anni LII. De Joatha autem usque ad Achat sunt anni XVI. Et ab Achat usque ad Ezechiam sunt anni XVI. Ab Ezechia ergo usque ad Manassem fiunt anni XXIX. A Manasse vero usque ad Amon sunt anni LV. Et ab Amon usque ad Josiam fiunt anni II. Et de Josia usque ad Joachim sunt anni XXXI. A Joachim usque ad Zesechiam sunt anni XI. De Zesechia usque ad Nabuchodonosor anni XI. Hic finitur numerus [1175D] quartae aetatis continens annos CCCCLXXXIII, et anni quatuor aetatum fiunt III M CCCLXIII.

## AETAS QUINTA.

Sunt anni quintae aetatis usque ad Cyrum XXX. A Cyro usque ad Cambisem sunt anni XXX. A Cambise usque ad Darium anni IX. A Dario usque ad Xersem anni XXXV. A Xerse usque ad Artaxersem sunt anni XXI. Et de Artaxerse usque ad Darium sunt anni XL. A Dario usque ad item Artaxersem sunt anni XVIII. Ab Artaxerse autem usque ad item Artaxersem fiunt anni XL. Et ab Artaxerse usque ad Arsen anni XXVI. Ab Arse vero ad Darium fiunt anni IV. A Dario autem usque ad Alexandrum sunt anni VI. Ab Alexandro enim usque ad Tholomaeum sunt anni V. Et de Tholomaeo usque ad Philadelphum fiunt anni XL. A Philadelpho usque ad Evergetem fiunt anni XXXVIII. Ab Evergete autem usque ad Philopatorem fiunt anni XXVI. A Philopatore enim usque ad Epiphanem sunt [1176A] anni XVII. Et de Epiphane usque ad Philometorem anni XXIV. A Philometore enim usque ad item Evergetem anni XXXV. Et ab Evergete usque ad Soterem sunt anni XXIX. A Sotere usque ad Alexandrum anni XVII. Ab Alexandro vero usque ad Tholomaeum fiunt anni X. A Tholomaeo usque ad Dionysium anni XIII. A Dionysio vero usque ad Cleopatram sunt anni XXX. A Cleopatra usque ad Julium Caesarem anni II. A Julio usque ad Octavianum Augustum sunt anni V. Ab Octaviano usque ad Christum fiunt anni XLII. Hic finitur quinta aetas annos habens DLXXX, et fiunt simul anni quinque aetatum III M DCCCCLII.

## AETAS SEXTA.

A nativitate Domini nostri Jesu Christi usque ad Tiberium numerantur anni XIV. A Tiberio vero usque ad Passionem Christi sunt anni XIX. Et a Christi Passione usque ad Gaium fiunt anni V. A Gaio usque ad Claudium anni IV. Et a Claudio usque ad Neronem [1176B] fiunt anni XIV. A Nerone vero usque ad Vespasianum sunt anni XIV. Et de Vespasiano usque ad Titum anni XIV. A Tito vero usque ad Domitianum anni duo. Et a Domitiano usque ad Nervam anni XVI. A Nerva usque ad Trajanum fit annus I. A Trajano quidem usque ad Adrianum anni XIIII. Ab Adriano usque ad Antoninum fiunt anni XXI. Et ab Antonino usque ad item Antoninum anni XXIII. Ab Antonino autem usque ad Commodum fiunt anni XIX. A Commodo enim usque ad Helvium Pertinacem anni XIII. Et de Helvio usque ad Severum fit annus I. A Severo usque ad Antoninum Caracallam sunt anni XVIII. Ab Antonino Caracalla usque ad Macrinum anni VII. A Macrino vero usque ad Aurelium fit annus I. Et de Aurelio usque ad Alexandrum anni IV. Ab Alexandro usque ad Maximinum fiunt anni XIII. A Maximino quoque usque ad Gordianum anni III. A Gordiano usque ad Philippum anni VII. Et a Philippo usque ad Decium anni VII. A Decio usque ad Valerianum anni III. A Valeriano usque ad Claudium anni XV. A Claudio [1176C] enim usque ad Aurelianum anni II. Ab Aureliano usque ad Probum fiunt anni VI. A Probo usque ad Carum anni V. Et a Caro usque ad Diocletianum anni II. A Diocletiano vero usque ad Constantinum fiunt anni XX. De Constantino usque ad Constantium anni XXI. A Constantio usque ad Julianum anni XXIV. Et a Juliano usque ad Jovianum anni II. A Joviano ergo usque ad Valentinianum fit annus I. De Valentiniano usque ad Valentem anni XI. Et de Valente usque ad Theodosium anni IV. A Theodosio vero usque ad Archadium anni XXVII. Ab Archadio usque ad Honorium anni XIII. Ab Honorio usque ad Theodosium anni XV. A Theodosio usque ad Martianum anni XXVI. Et a Martiano usque ad Leonem anni VI. A Leone vero usque ad item Leonem anni XVII. Item a Leone usque ad Zeonem fit annus I. Et de Zenone usque ad Anastasium fiunt anni XVI. Ab Anastasio vero usque ad Justinum sunt anni XXVII. Et a Justino usque ad Justinianum anni IX. Item a Justiniano usque ad Justinum [1176D] sunt anni XXXIX. Item a Justino usque ad Tiberium anni XIII. A Tiberio usque ad Mauricium fiunt anni IV. A Mauricio usque ad Focam sunt anni XX. A Foca usque ad Heracleum anni VIII. Ab Heracleo usque ad Constantinum sunt anni XXX. A Constantino patre usque ad Constantinum filium unus fit annus. Item a Constantino usque ad Constantinum sunt anni XXVII. Et a Constantino usque ad Justinianum anni XVII. A Justiniano usque ad Pippinum Seniorem sunt anni II. A Pippino Seniore usque ad Carlum anni XXVII. A Carlo usque ad Pippinum, et ad Carlomannum anni XXVII. Et a Pippino et Carlomanno usque dum Pippinus rex constitutus est, fiunt anni X. A Pippino vero usque ad Carlum et Carlomannum anni XVII. Et a Carlo et Carlomanno usque ad Carlum fiunt anni IV. Et inde domnus Carlus solus regnum suscepit, et Deo pro egente gubernat usque in praesentem annum feliciter, qui est annus regni ejus XLII, imperii autem IX. Sunt autem totius summae [1177A] ab origine mundi anni usque in praesentem annum IV M DCCLXI.

DCXCI. Bellum Pippino in Testricio, ubi superavit Francos.

DCCII. Obitus Hildeberti regis.

DCCVIII. Quando Droco mortuus fuit in vernale tempore.

DCCIX. Quando Pippinus perrexit in Suavis contra Vilario.

DCCX. Iterum Pippinus in Sauvis contra Vilario.

DCCXI. Quando Walericus duxit exercitum Francorum in Suavis contra Vilario.

DCCXII. Quidam episcopus duxit exercitum Francorum in Suavis contra Vilario.

DCCXIII. De post sub Doberto episcopo in mense Martio.

DCCXIV. De post Grimoaldo in mense Aprili, et de post Pippino in mense Decembrio.

DCCXV. Quando Saxones vastaverunt terram Chatuariorum.

[1177B]DCCXVI. Quando Radbodus venit in Colonia mense Martio.

DCCXVII. Bellum fuit inter Karolum et Ragenfredem in Vinciaco mense Martio, media Quadragesima, die Dominica.

DCCXVIII. Karolus primum fuit in Saxonia.

DCCXIX. Radbodus obiit.

DCCXX. Karlus bellum habuit contra Saxones.

DCCXXI.

DCCXXII.

DCCXXIII.

DCCXXIV.

DCCXXV. Karlus primum fuit in Baioaria.

DCCXXVI.

DCCXXVII.

DCCXXVIII. Iterum Karlus fuit in Baioaria.

DCCXXIX.

DCCXXX. Karlus perrexit ad Suavos contra Lantfredum.

[1177C]DCCXXXI. Karlus fuit in Wasconia contra Eododem.

DCCXXXII. Karlus bellum habuit contra Saracinos in mense Octobri.

DCCXXXIII. Karlus cum exercitu venit in Wistragon.

DCCXXXIV. Iterum Karlus venit cum exercitu in Wistragon.

DCCXXXV. Karlus cum exercitu fuit in Wasconia.

DCCXXXVI. Karlus dimicavit contra filios Eodone.

DCCXXXVII. Karlus bellum habuit contra Saracinos.

DCCXXXVIII.

DCCXXXIX.

DCCXL.

DCCXLI. Karlus dux Francorum mortuus est Idib. Octobris.

DCCXLII. Karlomannus duxit exercitum contra Chunaldum.

DCCXLIII. Karlomannus bellum iniit contra Baioarios.

[1177D]DCCXLIV.

DCCXLV.

DCCXLVI.

DCCXLVII. Karlomannus perrexit ad Romam.

DCCXLVIII.

DCCXLIX. Grippo fuit in exsilio.

DCCL.

DCCLI. Pippinus in regem unctus est apud Suessiones.

DCCLII.

DCCLIII. Hildegarius occisus est in Saxonia.

DCCLIV. Stephanus papa venit in Franciam.

DCCLV. Pippinus rex cum Francis in Italiam perrexit. Longobardos superavit. Carlomannus obiit.

DCCLVI.

DCCLVII. Franci obsederunt Papeia.

DCCLVIII. Pippinus fuit in Saxonia.

DCCLIX.

[1178A]DCCLX. Pippinus rex conflictum habuit contra Waifario.

DCCLXI. Pippinus fuit in Wasconia cum Karolo, et Claremonte igne cremavit.

DCCLXII. Iterum Pippinus pergens in Wasconia cum Karolo et Carlomanno superavit Wascones.

DCCLXIII. Pippinus placitum habuit in Warmacia. Tunc fuit ille gelus pessimus, et coepit XIX kal. Januarii, et permansit usque in XVII kal. Aprilis.

DCCLXIV.

DCCLXV. Pippinus placitum habuit ad Atiniacum.

DCCLXVI. Pippinus fuit in Wasconia, et fecit Argentum.

DCCLXVII. Iterum Pippinus fuit in Wasconia in mense Martio, et iterum in mense Augusto.

DCCLVIII. Waifarius interfectus est IV non. Junii, et rex Pippinus defunctus est in VIII kal. Octobr. et Karlus et Karlomannus ad reges uncti sunt VII id. Octobris.

[1178B]DCCLXIX. Karolus rex prima vice fuit in Wasconia ultra Garonna.

DCCLXX.

DCCLXXI.

DCCLXXII. Karlomannus obiit in Salmunciaco prid. non. Decembris.

DCCLXXIII. Karlus rex bellum habuit contra Saxones in Heresburgo.

DCCLXXIV. Karlus rex fuit in Italia, et bellum habuit contra Longobardos.

DCCLXXV. Iterum Karlus fuit in Italia, et capto Desiderio, et uxore ejus, et filia, adduxit secum in Francia.

DCCLXXVI. Iterum Karolus fuit in Saxonia, et ibi bellum habuit, et Sigeburgo cepit.

DCCLXXVII. Iterum Karolus fuit in Saxonia, et subjugati Saxones, dederuntque hospites, ut fierent Christiani. et Carlus fecit castellum super fluvium Lyppia.

DCCLXXVIII. Karlus placitum habuit ad Patres-Brun.

[1178C]DCCLXXIX. Carlus rex fuit in Hispania ad Caesar-Augusta.

DCCLXXX. Carlus rex divisit sua regna inter filios suos, et perrexit ad Romam.

DCCLXXXI.

DCCLXXXII. Saxones rebellantes plurimos Francos interfecerunt, et Karlus congregatos Saxones jussit eos decollare, et hoc anno Gislebertus episcopus obiit X kal. Jun.

DCCLXXXIII. Hildegardis regina obiit prid. kal. Maii, et Bertrada regina III idus Julii in Cauciaco defuncta est, mater Caroli.

DCCLXXXIV. Carlus tribus vicibus regressus est in Saxonia, et ibidem commoratus.

DCCLXXXV. Carlus adquisivit Saxonia, et Widichinus convertitur.

DCCLXXXVI. Carlus violavit Toringos pro eorum culpis.

DCCLXXXVII. Carlus perrexit ad Romam, et ista [1178D] signa apparuerunt super homines.

DCCLXXXVIII. Carlus capto Tassilone subjugavit Baioarios.

DCCLXXXIX. Carlus bellavit contra Wulzis in Wenedonia, et Carlus filius ejus regnum accepit ultra Segona, et ille gelus fuit pessimus alius.

DCCXC.

DCCXCI. Carlus rex primum fuit in Chunia.

DCCXCII. Saxones interfecerunt Francos super fluvio Alpia prope mare prid. non. Jul., feria VI.

DCCXCIII.

DCCXCIV.

DCCXCV.

DCCXCVI. Carlus rex filium suum Pippinum transmisit in Chunia, et ipsi cum receperunt cum pace, et thesauros multos accepit, et in Francia adduxit.

DCCXCVII. Carlus rex ad Aquis Palatium concilium habuit cum episcopis, abbatibus, monachis, de coenobium [1179A] Sancti Pauli, qualiter constituere deberet. Et in ipso anno perrexit in Saxonia, et ibidem hiemavit.

DCCXCVIII. Carlus in Saxonia hiemavit, et tota aestate ibidem fuit, et hospites capitaneos mille DC inde adduxit, et per Franciam divisit.

DCCXCIX. Romani per invidiam condemnaverunt papam Leonem, et ipse Leo venit ad Carolum in Franciam, et ipse restituit eum in sede sua.

DCCC. Carlus rex fuit ad mare ut piscaret, et Leutgardis regina obiit, et ille perrexit ad Romam, et pacificavit Romanos et papam Leonem, et Leo benedixit eum ad imperatorem.

DCCCI. Carlus imperator a Roma rediens ad Aquis Palatium revertitur, et in ipso anno Saracini exierunt foras, et a Francis interfecti sunt.

DCCCII. Carlus imp. ad Aquis Palatium concilium habuit, ut ei omnes generaliter fidelitatem jurarent, monachi, canonici; ita et fecerunt.

[1179B]DCCCIII.

DCCCIV. Carlus imp. cum liberis suis et Francis Saxonia ingressus est, et aliquos jussit interficere, [1180A] at aliquos per totum suum regnum dispergere, et Leo papa iterum venit in Francia.

DCCCV. Carlus imp. transmisit filium suum Karolum cum exercitu in Wenedonia.

DCCCVI. Carlus imp. divisit regnum suum inter filios suos.

DCCCVII. Karolus imp. placitum habuit ad Confflem cum Francis, et illi dederunt dona sua, et reversi sunt ad propria.

DCCCVIII. Godefredus rex Normanorum cum exercitu venit in Wenedonia, et Carolus imp. transmisit filium suum Carolum contra eum, ut resisteret ei, et ille reversus est in terram.

DCCCIX. Hoc anno fuit inundatio aquarum talis, qualis antea nunquam fuit in terra ista visa, et fuit V kal. Januar. altissima. Et in hoc anno fuit elevatum sepulcrum sancti Amandi episcopi XII kal. Octobr., et restitutum in locum suum X kal. Novembr.

[1180B]DCCCX. Carolus imp. cum exercitu Francorum perrexit in Saxonia, et ibi placitum habuit in Fereda, et ibi Wenedi venerunt, et dedit illis regem.

english:
## THE FIRST AGE.

[1173D]

Adam, when he was CXXX years old, begot Seth. Seth, being CV years old, begot Enos while Adam was still living and was CCXXXV years old. Enos indeed, being XC years old, begot Cainan while Adam was still living and was CCCXXV years old. Cainan, being LXX years old, begot Malaleel while Adam was still living and was CCCXCV years old. Malaleel, being LXV years old, begot Jared while Adam was still living and [1174D] was CCCCLX years old. Jared, being CLXII years old, begot Enoch while Adam was still living and was DCXXII years old. Enoch indeed, being LXV years old, begot Mathusala while Adam was still living and was DCLXXXVII years old. And Mathusalem, being CLXXXVII years old, begot Lamech while Adam was still living and was DCCCLXXIV years old. Lamech in fact, being CLXXII years old, begot Noah. Noah, being D years old, begot Shem. And when Shem was C years old the flood came to pass. [1175A] And here is completed the number of years, a thousand DCLXVI.

## THE SECOND AGE.

In the second year after the flood, Shem, at CII years, begot Arphaxad. Arphaxad, being XXXV years old, begot Sale. Sale, being XXX years old, begot Eber. Eber, being XXXIV years old, begot Phalech. Phalech, being XXX years old, begot Reu. Reu, being XXXII years old, begot Seruch. Seruch, being XXX years old, begot Nachor. Nachor, being XXIX years old, begot Thara. Thara, being LXX years old, begot Abraham. Here ends the number of the second age, containing CCXCII years; and the years of the two ages together come to a thousand DCCCCXLVIII.

## THE THIRD AGE.

Abraham, when he was C years old, begot Isaac. Isaac, being LX years old, begot Jacob. Jacob, being XC years old, begot Joseph, who lived CX years. From him down to the going out of the children of Israel from Egypt under [1175B] Moses their leader there were CLXV years. And from the going out of Israel down to Joshua, XL years. From Joshua, then, down to Othniel there are XXVI years. And from Othniel down to Aoth, XL years. From Aoth indeed down to Deborah there are LXXX years. And from Deborah down to Gideon there are XL years. And from Gideon down to Abimelech, XL years. From Abimelech, moreover, down to Tota there are III years. From Tola indeed down to Jair there are XXIII years. From Jair down to Jephthah there are XXII years. And from Jephthah down to Ebesan there are VI years. From Ebesa, moreover, down to Achialon there are VII years. From Achialon down to Labdon there are X years. From Labdon indeed down to Samson there are VIII years. And from Samson down to Eli, XX years. From Eli in fact down to Samuel there are XL years. And from Samuel down to Saul there are XII years. From Saul, then, down to David there are XXX years. Here is completed the number of the third age, DCCCCXLII years; and the years of the three ages together are two thousand DCCCXC.

## THE FOURTH AGE.

[1175C]

From David down to Solomon there are XL years. From Solomon, moreover, down to Rehoboam XL years are reckoned. And from Rehoboam down to Abia there are XXII years. From Abia down to Asa there are III years. And from Asa down to Jehoshaphat, XLI years. From Jehoshaphat, moreover, down to Joram there are XXV years. From Joram down to Azariah there are VIII years. And from Azariah down to Athaliah there is I year. From Athaliah in fact down to Joam there are VI years. From Joa indeed down to Amasiah there are XL years. And from Amasiah down to Ozias there are XXIX years. From Ozias in fact down to Joatham there are LII years. From Joatha, moreover, down to Achat there are XVI years. And from Achat down to Hezekiah there are XVI years. From Hezekiah, then, down to Manasseh there are XXIX years. From Manasseh indeed down to Amon there are LV years. And from Amon down to Josiah there are II years. And from Josiah down to Joachim there are XXXI years. From Joachim down to Zesechiah there are XI years. From Zesechiah down to Nebuchadnezzar, XI years. Here ends the number [1175D] of the fourth age, containing CCCCLXXXIII years; and the years of the four ages come to III M CCCLXIII.

## THE FIFTH AGE.

The years of the fifth age down to Cyrus are XXX. From Cyrus down to Cambyses there are XXX years. From Cambyses down to Darius, IX years. From Darius down to Xerxes, XXXV years. From Xerxes down to Artaxerxes there are XXI years. And from Artaxerxes down to Darius there are XL years. From Darius down to Artaxerxes again there are XVIII years. From Artaxerxes, moreover, down to Artaxerxes again there are XL years. And from Artaxerxes down to Arses, XXVI years. From Arses indeed to Darius there are IV years. From Darius, moreover, down to Alexander there are VI years. From Alexander in fact down to Ptolemy there are V years. And from Ptolemy down to Philadelphus there are XL years. From Philadelphus down to Euergetes there are XXXVIII years. From Euergetes, moreover, down to Philopator there are XXVI years. From Philopator in fact down to Epiphanes there are [1176A] XVII years. And from Epiphanes down to Philometor, XXIV years. From Philometor in fact down to Euergetes again, XXXV years. And from Euergetes down to Soter there are XXIX years. From Soter down to Alexander, XVII years. From Alexander indeed down to Ptolemy there are X years. From Ptolemy down to Dionysius, XIII years. From Dionysius indeed down to Cleopatra there are XXX years. From Cleopatra down to Julius Caesar, II years. From Julius down to Octavian Augustus there are V years. From Octavian down to Christ there are XLII years. Here ends the fifth age, having DLXXX years; and the years of the five ages together come to III M DCCCCLII.

## THE SIXTH AGE.

From the nativity of our Lord Jesus Christ down to Tiberius XIV years are counted. From Tiberius indeed down to the Passion of Christ there are XIX years. And from the Passion of Christ down to Gaius there are V years. From Gaius down to Claudius, IV years. And from Claudius down to Nero [1176B] there are XIV years. From Nero indeed down to Vespasian there are XIV years. And from Vespasian down to Titus, XIV years. From Titus indeed down to Domitian, two years. And from Domitian down to Nerva, XVI years. From Nerva down to Trajan there is I year. From Trajan indeed down to Hadrian, XIIII years. From Hadrian down to Antoninus there are XXI years. And from Antoninus down to Antoninus again, XXIII years. From Antoninus, moreover, down to Commodus there are XIX years. From Commodus in fact down to Helvius Pertinax, XIII years. And from Helvius down to Severus there is I year. From Severus down to Antoninus Caracalla there are XVIII years. From Antoninus Caracalla down to Macrinus, VII years. From Macrinus indeed down to Aurelius there is I year. And from Aurelius down to Alexander, IV years. From Alexander down to Maximinus there are XIII years. From Maximinus likewise down to Gordian, III years. From Gordian down to Philip, VII years. And from Philip down to Decius, VII years. From Decius down to Valerian, III years. From Valerian down to Claudius, XV years. From Claudius [1176C] in fact down to Aurelian, II years. From Aurelian down to Probus there are VI years. From Probus down to Carus, V years. And from Carus down to Diocletian, II years. From Diocletian indeed down to Constantine there are XX years. From Constantine down to Constantius, XXI years. From Constantius down to Julian, XXIV years. And from Julian down to Jovian, II years. From Jovian, then, down to Valentinian there is I year. From Valentinian down to Valens, XI years. And from Valens down to Theodosius, IV years. From Theodosius indeed down to Arcadius, XXVII years. From Arcadius down to Honorius, XIII years. From Honorius down to Theodosius, XV years. From Theodosius down to Marcian, XXVI years. And from Marcian down to Leo, VI years. From Leo indeed down to Leo again, XVII years. Again from Leo down to Zeno there is I year. And from Zeno down to Anastasius there are XVI years. From Anastasius indeed down to Justin there are XXVII years. And from Justin down to Justinian, IX years. Again from Justinian down to Justin [1176D] there are XXXIX years. Again from Justin down to Tiberius, XIII years. From Tiberius down to Maurice there are IV years. From Maurice down to Phocas there are XX years. From Phocas down to Heraclius, VIII years. From Heraclius down to Constantine there are XXX years. From Constantine the father down to Constantine the son there comes one year. Again from Constantine down to Constantine there are XXVII years. And from Constantine down to Justinian, XVII years. From Justinian down to Pippin the Elder there are II years. From Pippin the Elder down to Charles, XXVII years. From Charles down to Pippin and to Carloman, XXVII years. And from Pippin and Carloman down to the time when Pippin was made king, there are X years. From Pippin indeed down to Charles and Carloman, XVII years. And from Charles and Carloman down to Charles there are IV years. And from that point the lord Charles took up the kingdom alone, and to God, for the needy one, governs it prosperously down to the present year, which is the XLII year of his reign and the IX of his empire. And the years of the whole sum [1177A] from the origin of the world down to the present year are IV M DCCLXI.

DCXCI. The battle of Pippin at Testry, where he overcame the Franks.

DCCII. The death of King Hildebert.

DCCVIII. When Drogo died in the spring season.

DCCIX. When Pippin advanced into Swabia against Vilarius.

DCCX. Again Pippin into Swabia against Vilarius.

DCCXI. When Walericus led the army of the Franks into Swabia against Vilarius.

DCCXII. A certain bishop led the army of the Franks into Swabia against Vilarius.

DCCXIII. Thereafter under Bishop Dobertus in the month of March.

DCCXIV. Thereafter Grimoald in the month of April, and thereafter Pippin in the month of December.

DCCXV. When the Saxons laid waste the land of the Chattuarii.

[1177B]DCCXVI. When Radbod came to Cologne in the month of March.

DCCXVII. There was a battle between Charles and Ragenfred at Vincy in the month of March, in mid-Lent, on a Sunday.

DCCXVIII. Charles was in Saxony for the first time.

DCCXIX. Radbod died.

DCCXX. Charles waged war against the Saxons.

DCCXXI.

DCCXXII.

DCCXXIII.

DCCXXIV.

DCCXXV. Charles was in Bavaria for the first time.

DCCXXVI.

DCCXXVII.

DCCXXVIII. Again Charles was in Bavaria.

DCCXXIX.

DCCXXX. Charles advanced against the Swabians, against Lantfred.

[1177C]DCCXXXI. Charles was in Gascony against Eodo.

DCCXXXII. Charles waged war against the Saracens in the month of October.

DCCXXXIII. Charles came with an army into Wistragon.

DCCXXXIV. Again Charles came with an army into Wistragon.

DCCXXXV. Charles was with an army in Gascony.

DCCXXXVI. Charles fought against the sons of Eodo.

DCCXXXVII. Charles waged war against the Saracens.

DCCXXXVIII.

DCCXXXIX.

DCCXL.

DCCXLI. Charles, duke of the Franks, died on the Ides of October.

DCCXLII. Carloman led an army against Chunald.

DCCXLIII. Carloman entered upon war against the Bavarians.

[1177D]DCCXLIV.

DCCXLV.

DCCXLVI.

DCCXLVII. Carloman set out for Rome.

DCCXLVIII.

DCCXLIX. Grippo was in exile.

DCCL.

DCCLI. Pippin was anointed king at Soissons.

DCCLII.

DCCLIII. Hildegarius was slain in Saxony.

DCCLIV. Pope Stephen came into Francia.

DCCLV. King Pippin advanced into Italy with the Franks. He overcame the Lombards. Carloman died.

DCCLVI.

DCCLVII. The Franks besieged Pavia.

DCCLVIII. Pippin was in Saxony.

DCCLIX.

[1178A]DCCLX. King Pippin had an engagement against Waifar.

DCCLXI. Pippin was in Gascony with Charles, and burned Clermont with fire.

DCCLXII. Again Pippin, proceeding into Gascony with Charles and Carloman, overcame the Gascons.

DCCLXIII. Pippin held an assembly at Worms. Then there was that worst frost, and it began on the XIX kalends of January, and lasted until the XVII kalends of April.

DCCLXIV.

DCCLXV. Pippin held an assembly at Attigny.

DCCLXVI. Pippin was in Gascony, and made Argentum.

DCCLXVII. Again Pippin was in Gascony in the month of March, and again in the month of August.

DCCLVIII. Waifar was killed on the IV nones of June, and King Pippin died on the VIII kalends of October, and Charles and Carloman were anointed kings on the VII ides of October.

[1178B]DCCLXIX. King Charles was for the first time in Gascony beyond the Garonne.

DCCLXX.

DCCLXXI.

DCCLXXII. Carloman died at Samoussy on the day before the nones of December.

DCCLXXIII. King Charles waged war against the Saxons at Eresburg.

DCCLXXIV. King Charles was in Italy, and waged war against the Lombards.

DCCLXXV. Again Charles was in Italy, and having captured Desiderius, and his wife, and his daughter, he brought them with him into Francia.

DCCLXXVI. Again Charles was in Saxony, and there waged war, and took Sigiburg.

DCCLXXVII. Again Charles was in Saxony, and the Saxons were subdued, and they gave hostages, that they might become Christians. And Charles made a fort upon the river Lippe.

DCCLXXVIII. Charles held an assembly at Paderborn.

[1178C]DCCLXXIX. King Charles was in Spain at Saragossa.

DCCLXXX. King Charles divided his kingdoms among his sons, and set out for Rome.

DCCLXXXI.

DCCLXXXII. The Saxons, rebelling, killed very many Franks, and Charles, when the Saxons had been gathered together, ordered them to be beheaded; and in this year Bishop Gislebert died on the X kalends of June.

DCCLXXXIII. Queen Hildegard died on the day before the kalends of May, and Queen Bertrada, the mother of Charles, died on the III ides of July at Choisy.

DCCLXXXIV. Charles returned into Saxony three times, and tarried there.

DCCLXXXV. Charles gained Saxony, and Widukind is converted.

DCCLXXXVI. Charles violated the Thuringians for their offenses.

DCCLXXXVII. Charles set out for Rome, and those [1178D] signs appeared over men.

DCCLXXXVIII. Charles, having captured Tassilo, subdued the Bavarians.

DCCLXXXIX. Charles made war against the Wiltzes in Wendland, and Charles his son received a kingdom beyond the Seine, and that other frost was a very bad one.

DCCXC.

DCCXCI. King Charles was for the first time in the land of the Huns.

DCCXCII. The Saxons killed Franks upon the river Alpia near the sea on the day before the nones of July, on the sixth feria.

DCCXCIII.

DCCXCIV.

DCCXCV.

DCCXCVI. King Charles sent over his son Pippin into the land of the Huns, and they themselves received him in peace, and he took many treasures, and brought them into Francia.

DCCXCVII. King Charles held a council at the palace of Aachen with the bishops, abbots, and monks, concerning the monastery [1179A] of Saint Paul, how he ought to establish it. And in that same year he advanced into Saxony, and wintered there.

DCCXCVIII. Charles wintered in Saxony, and was there the whole summer, and brought thence a thousand DC chief hostages, and distributed them throughout Francia.

DCCXCIX. The Romans out of envy condemned Pope Leo, and Leo himself came to Charles in Francia, and he restored him to his see.

DCCC. King Charles was at the sea to fish, and Queen Liutgard died, and he set out for Rome, and made peace between the Romans and Pope Leo, and Leo blessed him as emperor.

DCCCI. Charles the emperor, returning from Rome, comes back to the palace of Aachen; and in that same year the Saracens came forth abroad, and were slain by the Franks.

DCCCII. Charles the emperor held a council at the palace of Aachen, that all should generally swear fidelity to him, monks and canons; and so they did.

[1179B]DCCCIII.

DCCCIV. Charles the emperor with his children and the Franks entered Saxony, and ordered some to be killed, [1180A] and others to be scattered throughout his whole kingdom; and Pope Leo came again into Francia.

DCCCV. Charles the emperor sent over his son Charles with an army into Wendland.

DCCCVI. Charles the emperor divided his kingdom among his sons.

DCCCVII. Charles the emperor held an assembly at Confluentes with the Franks, and they gave their gifts, and returned to their own homes.

DCCCVIII. Godfrid, king of the Northmen, came with an army into Wendland, and Charles the emperor sent over his son Charles against him, to withstand him; and he returned into his own land.

DCCCIX. In this year there was such a flooding of waters as had never before been seen in that land, and it was at its highest on the V kalends of January. And in this year the tomb of Saint Amandus the bishop was raised on the XII kalends of October, and restored to its place on the X kalends of November.

[1180B]DCCCX. Charles the emperor advanced with the army of the Franks into Saxony, and there held an assembly at Fereda, and there the Wends came, and he gave them a king.

license_source: Public Domain Mark 1.0

license_translation: CC BY-NC 4.0

license_apparatus: CC BY-NC 4.0


title: Tractatus

source_edition: Migne, Patrologia Latina, vol. 96, coll. 1379B–1386B

source_text:
## Tractatus

[1379B]Serpens ille veternosus, qui dudum contra catholicam fidem haereticorum linguas exacuit, nunc quoque [1379C] cujusdam Arseniotis labia erroris sui veneno infecta, post illorum perenne silentium, ad redivivas blasphemias aperire satagit. Insibilans enim per eumdem submurmurat virum, si tamen res ita se habet ut de illo fama vulgavit, quod ante novissimum examinis diem nullus electus regna coelorum, nullus reprobus loca penetret inferorum. Quod nimirum pravae haereseos dogma si vel ad momentum recipiatur, magnum fidelibus detrimentum afferre probatur: facit enim eos et ad vitae gaudia quaerenda pigerrimos, et ad gehennae supplicia vitanda nimis incautos. Contra quem utique facilis est mihi congressus, quia omnes rectae fidei assertores mecum destruunt ejus conatus; nullus namque ei patriarcharum, nullus prophetarum, nullus consentit apostolorum: [1379D] non scilicet Moyses, non David, non Salomon, non Isaias propheta, non ullus post Isaiam alius propheta, non Petrus apostolus, non Paulus, non Joannes, non Matthaeus, non Judas, non Jacobus, non Lucas, non Marcus: sed nec ullus omnino catholicae fidei tractator post istos hujus errorem attentasse aliquando fuit inventus. Et ut egregios commemorem de multis, non Gregorius Nazianzenus, non Joannes Constantinopolitanus, non Pictaviensis Hilarius, non Mediolanensis Ambrosius, non Hipponiregius Augustinus, non Bethlehemiticus Hieronymus, [1380B] non Alexandrinus Cyrillus, non ita docuit Gregorius papa Romanus. Horum certe plura ego [1380C] in sanctis tractatibus legi, sed in his huic simile nusquam inveni. Quis autem non videat quantae sit temeritatis, quantaeque dementiae, quemlibet unum mendacem homunculum contra tot veracissimos insignisque virtutis testes, sine teste congredi velle? Sed necesse est ut hoc quod veritatis defensione nudis verbis asserimus, vestitis sententiis plenius indagemus.

Veritatis igitur scripturam sequentes, ostendamus primo, si placet, ante adventum Mediatoris in carnem omnes reprobos omnesque electos ad infernum descendisse, quanquam inter hos et illos diversa merita magnum firmaverint chasma; ac deinde post ejusdem sacratissimam mortem, et electos ad regna coelestia, et reprobos ad loca pervenisse poenalia. Quod enim [1380D] ante incarnatam Dei sapientiam peccatores ad inferna descenderint, Mosaica testatur auctoritas, quae Dathan et Abiron eorumque socios, terra sorbente, ait, descenderunt in infernum viventes. Et haec quidem illa specialiter de quibusdam; generaliter vero de cunctis Davidica promitur aeque sententia, qua dicitur: *Sicut oves in inferno positi sunt, et mors pascet eos [n: (Psal. XLVIII, 15)]*. In libro quoque, qui Salomonis Sapientia praenotatur, enarratis multis reproborum miseriis, ipsa Sapientia ita concludit dicens: *Talia dixerunt in inferno hi qui peccaverunt [n: (Sap. V, 14)]*. [1381A] Quod autem etiam electi, et si forte non omnimoda, quaedam tamen inferorum adierint loca, idem hoc de se ipsis attestantur. Jacob enim patriarcha beatus, unius sublati filii moerore contractus, nullaque caeterorum consolatione delinitus ait: *Descendam ad filium meum lugens in infernum [n: (Gen. XXXVII, 35)]*. Job quoque super omnes justos suis temporibus ore Domini collaudatus, de semetipso loquitur dicens: *In profundissimum infernum descendent omnia mea [n: (Job XVII, 16)]*. Et rursum: *Si sustinuero,* inquit, *infernus domus mea est [n: (Ibid., vers. 13)]*. Rursumque Deum expostulans dicit: *Quis mihi tribuat ut in inferno protegas me, et abscondas me, donec pertranseat furor tuus? [n: (Job XIV, 13.)]* David etiam secundum carnem Christi pater electus, de se ac de cunctis viventibus [1381B] sciendo interrogat dicens: *Quis est homo qui vivit, et non videbit mortem?* aut quis *eruet animam suam de manu inferi? [n: (Psal. LXXXVIII, 49.)]* Ac si aperte dicat, quantum ad praesens attinet tempus, nullus omnino.

Ad electorum igitur animas de inferno liberandas Christus erat exspectandus, quem videlicet Joannes Baptista in carcere positus, missis discipulis rogavit dicens: *Tu es qui venturus es, an alium exspectamus? [n: (Luc. VII, 19.)]* In quibus utique verbis aperte notandum, quia spiritus propheticae visionis, qui eumdem Joannem de praeterito jam docuerat, adhuc de futuro certum non fecerat; atque ideo quem jam venisse pro certo sciebat, adhuc venturum ambigebat: quia enim mundi Redemptor nascendo in mundum advenerat, [1381C] beatus hoc idem Baptista jam liquido noverat, secundum illud quod praecurrens de eo clamaverat: *Ego vidi et testimonium perhibui quoniam hic est Filius Dei [n: (Joan. I, 34)]*. Et ad discipulos: *Ecce,* inquit, *Agnus Dei [n: (Ibid., vers. 36)]*. Sed si moriendo ad inferos per semetipsum esset venturus, omnino necdum agnoverat; et inde est illud praemissum, quo requirebat, *Tu es qui venturus es, an alium exspectamus?* Ac si ei diceret, ad ergastula tuorum mox descensuro patenter insinua, quem illis liberatorem venturum esse denuntiem, te quem jam venisse mundo nuntiavi, an alium quem pro te mittendum hactenus ignoravi? Tu nos inde extrahes per sanguinem sacratissimae passionis, an alius ignotae legationis? Quia vero non per quemlibet alium, sed per semetipsum [1381D] id fecit, praedicto Joanni ex obliquo mandavit. Sed manifestius illud Zacharias aperuit, qui hoc quod certissime futurum esse praevidit, jam quasi factum narravit. Sic enim ad eum qui inferos captivavit praesentialiter ait: *Tu quoque in sanguine testamenti tui emisisti vinctos tuos de lacu, ubi non est aqua [n: (Zach. IX, 11)]*. Et qui sunt isti vincti nisi, ut Hieronymus docet, justi antiqui? Unde autem vincti, nisi ex praevaricatione reatus primi? Et quis iste lacus in quo tenebantur captivi, nisi loca sunt inferi ubi non est, ut dicitur, aqua, videlicet requies ulla? Inde est etiam illud quod dives ibidem inflammatus, guttam aquae ad linguae refrigerium quaerit, et non invenit. Quod si ita est, quomodo Abraham ab eo separatus, [1382A] in requie cum Lazaro est, et ne ad se invicem transire possent, inter electos ac reprobos magnum chasma firmatum?

An forte praedictum chasma inter bonos et malos objectum non locorum spatia, sed actorum dirimit merita? Mirum autem et valde mirum, si tenes ita. Nam et Job, cui similis in terra non erat, ad poenalia loca iturum se esse clamabat, cum diceret: *Plangam dolorem meum antequam vadam, et non revertar, ad terram tenebrosam et opertam mortis caligine, terram miseriae et tenebrarum (Job, X, 20-22)*. Absit autem ut illic Abraham et Job loca disjungerent, quos hic fides et opera inseparabiliter conjunxerant; atque horum illuc unus ad requiem, alter destinaretur ad miseriam; horumque unus in lumine, alter ibi [1382B] sederet in mortis caligine. Videamus itaque utrumne etiam Job praefatus ad terram tenebrosam et opertam mortis caligine, ad terram quoque miseriae et tenebrarum perductus in Abrahae fuerit requie collocatus. Idem denique, cum lacrymosius hoc quod supra protulimus, diceret, *in profundissimum infernum descendent omnia mea,* continuo praesumptiva dubitatione subjecit, et ait: *Putasne saltem ibi requies erit mihi? [n: (Job, XXVII, 16.)]* Nos autem ista dicentes, nequaquam temere affirmamus non fuisse apud inferos loca divisa inter electos et reprobos, cum tamen potuisset fieri ut sic inter hos et illos sola merita dividerent, sicut inter regis Babyloniae ministros, et Danielis socios justitia sola distinxit, nam una eademque fornacis flamma et illos consumpsit et istos servavit. Sic denique [1382C] aqua maris Rubri, et Israelitis ad manna vescendum iter praebuit, et Aegyptiis ad mortis supplicium foveam ministravit. Hoc itaque cum magna dicimus auctoritate loca fuisse poenalia, quae Christus propter suorum ereptionem per semetipsum judicavit esse lustranda, Petro attestante, qui de illo ait: *Quem Deus suscitavit* a mortuis, *solutis doloribus inferni, juxta quod impossibile erat teneri illum ab eo [n: (Act. II, 24)]*. In quibus profecto verbis solerter notandum, quoniam nemo apud inferos liber a dolorum vinculis, praeter eum qui solus veraciter dixit: *Factus sum sicut homo sine adjutorio, inter mortuos liber [n: (Psal. LXXXVII, 5)]*. Atque ideo solus non potuit tartarea manu vinctus teneri, quia solus non habuit peccatum [1382D] quod dolorum ejus nexibus posset arctari. Indeque solus ab inferni doloribus alios liberare valuit, unde ipse eosdem dolores non sensit.

Scio autem quemdam inter magnos tractatores haec verba ita sensisse, ut non in patriarchis atque prophetis, sed in aliis longe ab istorum sedibus positis, praefatos dolores solverit Christus; et tamen non est ausus dicere, eos quos iisdem dolorum nexibus solvit, non fuisse electos; quod utique si diceret, mendax profecto appareret. Concedamus itaque quod non fuerint patriarchae atque prophetae, sed alii, et tamen electi, qui minus de perfecta justitia habentes, inferni doloribus fuerint obligati. Sed si plena ibi patriarcharum ac prophetarum quies, plenaque erat consolatio, quae illis necessaria Christi exspectatio? [1383A] An non erat Joannes propheta et plus quam propheta, qui ex sua aliorumque prophetarum persona, ut supra meminimus, Redemptorem mundi requirebat dicens: *Tu es qui venturus es, an alium exspectamus? [n: (Luc. VII, 19)]* Certe exspectabant eum isti vincti in lacu, ubi non est aqua; et mirum si aliis vinculis astricti, nisi his quae Petrus per Christum soluta narravit. Coarctat nos rursum haec quaestio, ut dicamus quomodo ibi Lazarus in sinu Abrahae consolabatur, si dolorum vinculis astrictus tenebatur? Sed faciamus distinctionem inter dolorem et dolorem, et hanc, ut arbitror, facilius absolvimus quaestionem. Cruciabantur itaque apud inferos iniqui simul et justi, sed non pari modo isti et illi, quia illi omnimoda ignis gehenna, isti sola mentis tristitia; illi quia foris ardebant, [1383B] isti quia intus moerebant; illi consolari non poterant, quia in tormentis refrigerium nullum habebant, isti quamvis tristarentur, quia diu a coelesti patria exsulabant, tamen consolabantur, quia exterior illos reproborum ambustio non vexabat.

## Tractatus (cont.)

Ergo quod de lacu dicitur, quia non est in eo aqua, non ad electorum mentis dolorem, sed ad reproborum pertinet exteriorem ignis ardorem; in quo videlicet, quia ultrix est flamma, nec una saltem ad refrigerium aquae suppetit gutta, quam nisi ex fluentis electorum hauriri posse cognosceret, dives ad Abraham minime diceret: *Mitte Lazarum, ut intingat extremum digiti sui in aqua, et refrigeret linguam meam, quia crucior in hac flamma [n: (Luc. XVI, 24)]*. Ita plane non esse contrarium dicimus apud inferos dolorum [1383C] vinculis religatos fuisse justos antiquos. Sed quid? Sive certam, sive dubiam de inferno in hac parte protulerimus sententiam; hoc tamen veracissime dicimus, quia Dei Filius indebitam pro nobis mortem exsolvens, quoquo pacto in quibuslibet fuerit factum, solutis doloribus inferni, suos inde tantum reduxit; sicut ipse per Osee longe ante praedixit: *Ero mors tua, o mors; ero morsus tuus, inferne [n: (Ose., XIII, 14)]*. In quibus profecto verbis solerter pensandum est, quia Redemptor noster mortem quidem funditus occidit, sed nimirum in parte quam ipse glutivit; caeterum mors in parte quae remansit, permansit. Dicatur igitur, *ero mors tua, o mors,* ac si diceretur, in praeda, quam capio, te funditus interimo. *Ero morsus [1383D] tuus, inferne,* hoc est, non te totum deglutio, sed partem ex te mordens consumo. Neque enim, ut catholica fides praefixit, alios inde quam suos interventu beatissimae passionis ad superos reduxit.

Sed jam ordo praemissus deposcit, ut post ereptionem ab inferis veterum justorum, ostendamus quo isto nunc tempore recipiantur animae perfectorum. Coelorum etenim Magister, qui nullum aliquando [1384A] fefellit, talem hinc sententiam firmavit, ut diceret, a diebus Joannis Baptistae *Regnum coelorum vim patitur, et violenti diripiunt illud [n: (Matth. XI, 12)]*. O tu doctor novi erroris, nunquid tantum in die judicii regnum coelorum violenti diripiunt? ut diabolus per os tuum construxit, et non potius a dibus Joannis? . . . . . .

*Hic deest folium unum.* . . . illa si placet, de multis sufficiant ista; si vero propter exiguitatis meae personam in dubium veniunt et ista, necessarium reor generali catholicorum sententia, verum me in his quae dixi testem approbare. In ecclesiasticorum etenim dogmate, quod distinctis sententiis uno volumine comprehenditur, quodque per universum orbem a cunctis recipitur, ab [1384B] omnibus defenditur, summaque laude celebratur, titulo quadragesimo quinto ita scribitur: « Ante passionem Domini omnes animae sanctorum in inferno sub debito praevaricationis Adae tenebantur, donec auctoritate Domini per indebitam ejus mortem de servili conditione liberarentur. » In sequenti quoque titulo, hoc est quadragesimo sexto, talis auctoritas continetur, ut dicatur: « Post ascensionem Domini ad coelos, omnes sanctorum animae cum Christo sunt, et exeuntes de corpore ad Christum vadunt, exspectantes resurrectionem corporis sui, ut ad integram et perfectam beatitudinem cum ipso pariter immutentur. Sicut et peccatorum animae in inferno sub timore positae, exspectant resurrectionem sui corporis, ut cum ipso ad poenam convertantur aeternam. » [1384C] Haec omnium praecedentium ac subsequentium et una et singularis et generalis est Patrum sententia: cui merito concordans beatus Gregorius papa Romanus praesul apostolicae sedis, tractatorum quidem ultimus, sed pene omnium egregius, in quarto Dialogorum libro ad inquisitionem collocutoris sui ita respondit dicens: « Constat quia perfectorum justorum animae, mox ut hujus carnis claustro exeunt, in coelestibus sedibus recipiuntur. Quod et ipsa per se Veritas attestatur dicens: *Ubicunque fuerit corpus, illuc congregabuntur et aquilae [n: (Luc. XXVII, 37)]*; quia ubi ipse Redemptor noster est corpore, illuc colliguntur et animae justorum. Et Paulus *dissolvi desiderat, et cum Christo esse.* Qui ergo Christum in [1384D] coelo esse non dubitat, nec Pauli animam in coelo esse negabit: qui etiam de corporis sui dissolutione atque habitatione patriae coelestis dicit: *Scimus quoniam si terrestris domus* non habens habitatorem dilabitur, *quod aedificationem habemus ex Deo, domum non manu factam, sed aeternam in coelis.* » [n: (II Cor. V, 1.)]

Haec ille de justis atque perfectis. Quid vero de [1385A] iniquis? « Quia esse, inquiens ad praedictum collocutorem suum, sanctorum animas in coelo sacri eloquii satisfactione credidisti, oportet ut per omnia esse credas et iniquorum animas in inferno; quia ex retributione internae justitiae, ex qua justi gloriantur, necesse est per omnia ut et injusti crucientur. Nam sicut electos beatitudo laetificat, ita credi necesse est quod a die exitus sui ignis reprobos exurat. » Quae nimirum cuncta idem veracissimus doctor non solum verborum sententiis, verum etiam rerum ostendit exemplis. Idem certe in praefato libro narravit, quod anima Germani episcopi in sphaera ignea ab angelis fuerit in coelum sublata. Idem quod sancti Benedicti per viam palliis stratam ad supernam regionem perducta. Idem quod servuli hospitalis [1385B] paralytici ab internis coelorum laudibus suscepta, ac super altissimos eorum cardines evecta. Idem quod sacrae virginis Scholasticae ad aethereum [1386A] thalamum in columbae specie perducta. Idem quod venerabilis Romulae ad perennem vitam coelestibus exsequiis assumpta. Idem quoque dixit quod spiritus Gordianae amitae ejus gehennae incendiis fuerit mancipatus. Quod Hilliricianus monachus ad inferorum loca deductus, hujus saeculi potentes ac divites in medio flammarum viderit suspensos. Sufficit, satis est. Quis fidelium de hac re ultra dubitare potest? Multum idoneus et iste testis est, contra cujus sententias ire nefas est. Quapropter admonitos vos esse volo, quoscunque imperitissimus ille mendaciorum anfractibus a coelesti sapientia deviare conatus est, ut ad procinctum fidei tendentes non quasso ranunculi stridore a coepto itinere deviemini, sed clarissime resonantem supernae civitatis tubae clangorem [1386B] sequamini. Haec est mea pro vobis ad Deum deprecatio, haec etiam ad vos mea salutatio. Amen.

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## Treatise

[1379B]That drowsy old serpent, who long ago sharpened the tongues of heretics against the catholic faith, now also busies himself [1379C] with opening, after their unending silence, the lips of a certain *Arseniotes*, infected with the venom of his error, to blasphemies come back to life. For hissing through that same man he mutters — if indeed the matter stands as report has spread it about concerning him — that before the last day of examination no elect person enters the kingdoms of the heavens, and no reprobate the places of hell. And if this doctrine of a depraved heresy be accepted even for a moment, it is proved to bring great harm to the faithful: for it makes them both most sluggish in seeking the joys of life, and far too incautious in avoiding the punishments of Gehenna. Against him the encounter is certainly easy for me, since all who assert the right faith join with me in destroying his attempts; for none of the patriarchs agrees with him, none of the prophets, none of the apostles — [1379D] not Moses, not David, not Solomon, not the prophet Isaiah, nor any other prophet after Isaiah, not Peter the apostle, not Paul, not John, not Matthew, not Jude, not James, not Luke, not Mark. Nor indeed, after these, has any expounder at all of the catholic faith ever been found to have attempted this man's error. And to call to mind some outstanding men out of many: not Gregory Nazianzen, not John of Constantinople, not Hilary of Poitiers, not Ambrose of Milan, not Augustine of Hippo Regius, not Jerome of Bethlehem, [1380B] not Cyril of Alexandria, nor did Gregory, pope of Rome, teach so. Assuredly I have read many things of these men [1380C] in their holy treatises, but among them I have nowhere found anything like this. And who would not see how great a rashness it is, and how great a madness, that any one lying manikin should wish, without a witness, to contend against so many most truthful witnesses of remarkable virtue? But it is necessary that what we assert in bare words for the defense of the truth, we should track down more fully in clothed sentences.

Following, then, the writing of truth, let us show first, if it please you, that before the coming of the Mediator in the flesh all the reprobate and all the elect descended to hell — although between the latter and the former their differing merits established a great chasm; and next, that after that same most sacred death, both the elect came to the heavenly kingdoms and the reprobate to the places of punishment. For that [1380D] before the incarnation of God's wisdom sinners descended to the regions below, the Mosaic authority testifies, which says of Dathan and Abiram and their companions, the earth swallowing them, that they went down alive into hell. And these things indeed are said particularly of certain men; but generally of all a Davidic sentence is likewise brought forth, in which it is said: *They are laid in hell like sheep, and death shall feed upon them [n: (Psal. XLVIII, 15)]*. In the book also which is entitled the Wisdom of Solomon, when many miseries of the reprobate have been recounted, Wisdom herself concludes thus, saying: *Such things did they say in hell who have sinned [n: (Sap. V, 14)]*. [1381A] But that the elect too — even if perhaps not all of them — nevertheless approached certain places of the regions below, these same men bear witness concerning themselves. For the blessed patriarch Jacob, drawn together with grief at one son taken from him, and soothed by no consolation from the rest, says: *I will go down mourning to my son into hell [n: (Gen. XXXVII, 35)]*. Job also, praised by the Lord's own mouth above all the just of his times, speaks of himself, saying: *All that is mine shall go down into the deepest hell [n: (Job XVII, 16)]*. And again: *If I wait,* he says, *hell is my house [n: (Ibid., vers. 13)]*. And again, appealing to God, he says: *Who will grant me this, that thou protect me in hell, and hide me until thy wrath pass by? [n: (Job XIV, 13.)]* David also, according to the flesh the chosen father of Christ, asks concerning himself and concerning all the living, [1381B] knowing the answer, saying: *What man is he that liveth, and shall not see death?* or who *shall deliver his soul from the hand of hell? [n: (Psal. LXXXVIII, 49.)]* As if he were plainly saying: as far as the present time is concerned, no one at all.

Christ, therefore, was to be awaited for the freeing of the souls of the elect from hell — Christ whom John the Baptist, set in prison, asked by sending his disciples, saying: *Art thou he that should come, or do we look for another? [n: (Luc. VII, 19.)]* And in these words it is plainly to be noted that the spirit of prophetic vision, which had already taught that same John concerning the past, had not yet made him certain concerning the future; and therefore he whom he already knew for certain to have come, he still doubted was to come. For that the Redeemer of the world had come into the world by being born, [1381C] the blessed Baptist already knew clearly, according to that which he had cried out about him as his forerunner: *I saw, and bore witness, that this is the Son of God [n: (Joan. I, 34)]*. And to his disciples: *Behold,* he says, *the Lamb of God [n: (Ibid., vers. 36)]*. But whether by dying he was to come in his own person to the regions below, he had by no means yet learned; and thence comes that question set forth above, in which he inquired, *Art thou he that should come, or do we look for another?* As if he were saying to him: to me, who am soon to go down to the prison-houses of your own, make it plainly known whom I am to announce as the liberator who will come to them — you, whom I have already announced to the world as having come, or another whom I have hitherto not known was to be sent in your place? Will you draw us out thence by the blood of your most sacred passion, or another by an embassy unknown to me? But that he did this not through any other but through himself, [1381D] he indicated to the aforesaid John indirectly. Yet Zechariah disclosed it more openly, who narrated as already done that which he foresaw would most certainly come to pass. For thus he speaks, as though in the present, to him who took hell captive: *Thou also, by the blood of thy testament, hast sent forth thy prisoners out of the pit wherein is no water [n: (Zach. IX, 11)]*. And who are these prisoners, unless, as Jerome teaches, the ancient just? And whence prisoners, unless from the guilt of the first transgression? And what is this pit in which they were held captive, unless the places of hell, where there is not, as is said, water — that is, any rest? Thence too is that saying, that the rich man, burning in that same place, seeks a drop of water for the cooling of his tongue, and does not find it. But if this is so, how is it that Abraham, separated from him, [1382A] is at rest with Lazarus, and that, lest they might cross over to one another, a great chasm was established between the elect and the reprobate?

Or perhaps the aforesaid chasm set between the good and the wicked divides not the intervals of places, but the merits of deeds? But it is a wonder, and a very great wonder, if you so hold. For Job also, whose like there was not upon earth, cried out that he was to go to the places of punishment, when he said: *I will bewail my sorrow before I go, and return not, to a land that is dark and covered with the mist of death, a land of misery and of darkness* [f: (Job, X, 20-22)]. But far be it that places should have separated there Abraham and Job, whom here faith and works had joined inseparably; and that of these the one should be assigned thither to rest, and the other to misery; and that of these the one should sit in light, and the other there [1382B] in the mist of death. Let us see, therefore, whether Job too, having been led, as was said, to the land dark and covered with the mist of death, and to the land of misery and darkness, was set in Abraham's rest. Indeed the same man, when he said more tearfully that which we brought forward above, *all that is mine shall go down into the deepest hell,* immediately added with presuming doubt, and said: *Dost thou think that at least there will be rest for me there? [n: (Job, XXVII, 16.)]* But we, in saying these things, in no way rashly affirm that among the regions below there were not places divided between the elect and the reprobate — although it could have come about that merits alone thus divided the latter from the former, just as justice alone distinguished between the ministers of the king of Babylon and the companions of Daniel; for one and the same flame of the furnace both consumed those and preserved these. So too [1382C] the water of the Red Sea both furnished the Israelites a road to the eating of manna, and supplied the Egyptians a pit for the punishment of death. And so we say with great authority that there were places of punishment which Christ, for the rescue of his own, judged were to be visited by himself, with Peter bearing witness, who says of him: *Whom God hath raised up* from the dead, *having loosed the sorrows of hell, according as it was impossible that he should be held by it [n: (Act. II, 24)]*. In which words it is assuredly to be noted with care that no one among the regions below was free from the bonds of sorrows, save him who alone truly said: *I am become as a man without help, free among the dead [n: (Psal. LXXXVII, 5)]*. And therefore he alone could not be held bound by the hand of hell, because he alone had no sin [1382D] that could be constrained by the fastenings of its sorrows. And thence he alone was able to free others from the sorrows of hell, in that he himself did not feel those same sorrows.

Now I know that a certain man among the great expounders understood these words in such a way that it was not in the patriarchs and prophets, but in others set far from their seats, that Christ loosed the aforesaid sorrows; and yet he did not dare to say that those whom he loosed from the same fastenings of sorrows were not among the elect — which, if he did say it, he would assuredly appear a liar. Let us grant, therefore, that they were not the patriarchs and prophets, but others, and yet elect, who, having less of perfect justice, had been bound by the sorrows of hell. But if the rest of the patriarchs and prophets there was full, and their consolation full, what need had they of awaiting Christ? [1383A] Or was not John a prophet, and more than a prophet, who, in his own person and in that of the other prophets, as we recalled above, sought the Redeemer of the world, saying: *Art thou he that should come, or do we look for another? [n: (Luc. VII, 19)]* Assuredly those prisoners in the pit, where there is no water, were awaiting him; and it would be a wonder if they were bound by other bonds than those which Peter related were loosed by Christ. Again this question presses us close, that we should say: how was Lazarus there consoled in Abraham's bosom, if he was held bound by the fastenings of sorrows? But let us make a distinction between one sorrow and another, and thus, I think, we resolve this question more easily. And so among the regions below the wicked and the just alike were tormented, but not in equal manner these and those, since the former were tormented by the Gehenna of fire in every way, the latter by sadness of mind alone; the former because they burned outwardly, [1383B] the latter because they grieved inwardly; the former could not be consoled, since in their torments they had no cooling; the latter, although they were saddened because they were long exiled from the heavenly fatherland, were nevertheless consoled, since the outward scorching of the reprobate did not vex them.

## Treatise (cont.)

Therefore that which is said of the pit, that there is no water in it, pertains not to the sorrow of mind of the elect, but to the outward burning of the fire of the reprobate; in which, namely, since the flame is avenging, there is not even one drop of water at hand for cooling — which, unless he had known that it could be drawn from the streams of the elect, the rich man would by no means have said to Abraham: *Send Lazarus, that he may dip the tip of his finger in water, and cool my tongue, for I am tormented in this flame [n: (Luc. XVI, 24)]*. Thus we plainly say that it is not contrary that the ancient just were bound among the regions below by the fastenings of sorrows. [1383C] But what of it? Whether we have brought forward a certain or a doubtful opinion concerning hell in this respect, this nevertheless we say most truly: that the Son of God, paying for us the death he did not owe, in whatever manner and in whatever persons it was done, having loosed the sorrows of hell, brought back thence only his own; just as he himself long before foretold through Hosea: *O death, I will be thy death; O hell, I will be thy bite [n: (Ose., XIII, 14)]*. In which words it is assuredly to be weighed with care that our Redeemer did indeed utterly slay death, but only in the part which he himself swallowed down; whereas death, in the part that remained, remained. Let it be said, therefore, *O death, I will be thy death,* as though it were said: in the prey which I take, I utterly destroy thee. *O hell, I will be thy bite,* [1383D] that is, I do not swallow thee whole, but biting a part from thee I consume it. For he did not, as the catholic faith has laid down beforehand, bring back thence to the world above any others than his own, by the intervention of his most blessed passion.

But now the order set forth demands that, after the rescue of the ancient just from the regions below, we show whither at this present time the souls of the perfect are received. For the Master of the heavens, who never at any time [1384A] deceived anyone, established a sentence on this from which he said that, from the days of John the Baptist, *the kingdom of heaven suffereth violence, and the violent take it by force [n: (Matth. XI, 12)]*. O you teacher of a new error, do the violent take the kingdom of heaven by force only on the day of judgment? — as the devil has framed it through your mouth — and not rather from the [sic: *dibus*] of John? . . . . . .

*Here one leaf is missing.* . . . if it please you, let these things out of many suffice; but if, on account of the person of my littleness, even these come into doubt, I judge it necessary to approve myself a true witness in these things I have said, by the general opinion of the catholics. For in the *Dogma of the Churchmen,* which is comprised in one volume by distinct sentences, and which is received throughout the whole world by all, defended by [1384B] all, and celebrated with the highest praise, it is thus written under the forty-fifth heading: « Before the passion of the Lord all the souls of the saints were held in hell under the debt of Adam's transgression, until by the authority of the Lord they were freed from their servile condition through his undeserved death. » In the following heading also, that is the forty-sixth, such an authority is contained, as to say: « After the ascension of the Lord to the heavens, all the souls of the saints are with Christ, and going forth from the body they go to Christ, awaiting the resurrection of their body, that they may be transformed to whole and perfect blessedness together with him. As also the souls of sinners, set in hell under fear, await the resurrection of their body, that they may be turned with it to eternal punishment. » [1384C] This is the opinion of the Fathers, both of all who went before and of all who followed after — one, and singular, and general — with which, rightly agreeing, blessed Gregory, pope of Rome, prelate of the apostolic see, the last indeed of the expounders but almost the most outstanding of all, answered thus in the fourth book of the *Dialogues* to the inquiry of his interlocutor, saying: « It is certain that the souls of the perfect just, as soon as they go out from the enclosure of this flesh, are received in the heavenly seats. Which Truth itself also attests by itself, saying: *Wheresoever the body shall be, thither shall the eagles also be gathered together [n: (Luc. XXVII, 37)]*; for where our Redeemer himself is in body, thither are gathered also the souls of the just. And Paul *desires to be dissolved, and to be with Christ.* He, therefore, who does not doubt that Christ is in [1384D] heaven, will not deny that Paul's soul too is in heaven; who also, concerning the dissolution of his body and the habitation of the heavenly fatherland, says: *We know that if our earthly house,* having no inhabitant, falls to ruin, *that we have a building from God, a house not made with hands, but eternal in the heavens.* » [n: (II Cor. V, 1.)]

These things he said of the just and the perfect. But what of [1385A] the wicked? « Since, he says to his aforesaid interlocutor, you have believed, by the satisfaction of the sacred eloquence, that the souls of the saints are in heaven, it behooves that you believe in all respects that the souls of the wicked too are in hell; for by the recompense of the inward justice, from which the just are glorified, it is necessary in all respects that the unjust too be tormented. For as blessedness gladdens the elect, so it must be believed that from the day of their departure fire burns up the reprobate. » And all these things, of course, the same most truthful teacher showed not only by the sentences of words, but also by the examples of things. The same man, assuredly, narrated in the aforesaid book that the soul of Germanus the bishop was borne up into heaven by angels in a sphere of fire. The same, that the soul of blessed Benedict was led to the region above by a way strewn with palls. The same, that the soul of the paralytic little servant of the hospice [1385B] was taken up by the inward praises of the heavens, and carried above their loftiest hinges. The same, that the soul of the holy virgin Scholastica was led to the ethereal [1386A] bridal chamber in the likeness of a dove. The same, that the soul of the venerable Romula was taken up to everlasting life by heavenly obsequies. The same too he said, that the spirit of Gordiana his aunt was handed over to the fires of Gehenna. That the monk Hilliricianus, led down to the places of the regions below, saw the powerful and rich of this world hung in the midst of the flames. It is enough, it is sufficient. What one of the faithful can doubt any further about this matter? This witness too is very fit, against whose opinions to go is a sin. Wherefore I would have you warned, all of you whom that most unskilled man has attempted to lead astray from the heavenly wisdom by the windings of his lies, that, as you press toward the battle-line of faith, you be not turned aside from the journey you have begun by the shattered croaking of a little frog, but that you follow the most clearly resounding blare of the trumpet of the city above. [1386B] This is my prayer to God for you, this also my greeting to you. Amen.